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America at the Brink: Charlie Kirk's Assassination and the Path Away From Political Violence
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Tyler Robinson Charged With Murder in Charlie Kirk Shooting: DNA Evidence, Discord Group, and the Ideology That Drove the Assassination
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Megyn Kelly Reflects on Charlie Kirk's Assassination and the Spiritual Revival It Sparked Across America
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Fraser Myers Examines the Charlie Kirk Assassination and the Dark Politics of Violence
Fraser Myers and Tom Slater dissect the alleged assassination of Charlie Kirk by Tyler Robinson, exploring the suspect's trans activism motivations and the troubling rise of political violence on the American left. As new evidence reveals messages about being "fed up" with Kirk's views, polls show American liberals are twice as likely to support political violence. The discussion expands to Trump's UK state visit, the collapse of Jeremy Corbyn and Zara Sultana's "your party" coalition, and Britain's fumbling one-in-one-out migration scheme that managed just one deportation.
The Charlie Kirk Assassination: What We Know About Tyler Robinson
The investigation into Charlie Kirk's alleged assassin, Tyler Robinson, has revealed disturbing details about the suspect's motivations. Robinson has been officially charged with aggravated murder, with prosecutors seeking the death penalty. Evidence gathered by investigators paints a picture of someone driven by trans activism and online political ideology.
According to Tom Slater, shell casings at the scene were engraved with pro-trans messages. Text messages between Robinson and an individual he was living with and dating—a man in the process of transitioning—showed Robinson explicitly stating he had "had enough of Kirk's hate." The messages referenced very online pro-trans memes and revealed a nihilistic, almost giggling quality similar to other politically motivated mass shootings in America, regardless of political persuasion.
What makes this case particularly chilling is that Kirk held no elected office, wielded no governmental power, and was not an oligarch. He was targeted purely for his speech and opinions. As Slater notes, this represents "murderous intolerance"—someone was killed simply because the assassin disagreed with what he said.
The Troubling Rise of Political Violence on the Left
The Kirk assassination has sparked broader discussions about political violence in America, particularly on the left. Recent polling by The Economist and YouGov reveals that American liberals are more than twice as likely to approve of political violence in certain situations—20% for liberals compared to about 7% for conservatives and moderates. Among younger liberals under 40, the number rises to approximately one in three who would support political violence in some circumstances.
Tom Harwood points to the pernicious ideology that "words are violence" as a contributing factor. "If you are fed up of Charlie Kirk's opinions, don't go to the area where Charlie Kirk is speaking," Harwood argues. "Don't go and attend his debate or his rally. If you're really that upset with what he has to say, don't listen to it."
Looking back at Kirk's debates and campus appearances, Harwood notes how courteous Kirk was, often telling crowds to let dissenting voices have their say: "We outnumber them. Let this person have their say." The idea that such civil discourse could be considered violence warranting a lethal response represents a dangerous corruption of political discourse.
The Campus Culture War Origins
Slater traces this violent turn back to the campus culture wars of the 2010s. Charlie Kirk founded Turning Point USA around 2012, just as what we now call wokeness or cancel culture was exploding on American university campuses. By 2015-2016, this movement was already turning violent.
Milo Yiannopoulos faced riots when speaking at Berkeley in California. At Middlebury College, Charles Murray's invited speech was shut down by protesters, and the professor who invited him was assaulted and hospitalized. "If you accept the idea that speech is violence, that invites one of two responses: either censorship as we've seen endlessly over this side of the pond, or violence," Slater explains. "You respond in kind. You take matters into your own hands."
The Kirk assassination represents the logical, if horrifying, endpoint of a culture that has been building on university campuses for over a decade.
The Post-Truth Response
Beyond those who celebrated the assassination, a more insidious response emerged: outright misinformation suggesting the shooter must have been right-wing. Harwood notes this lie spread widely, reaching figures like Jimmy Kimmel. The reasoning? Violence equals right-wing, therefore the shooter couldn't possibly be left-wing.
"Strangely, the left in America thinks they're immune to post-truth politics," Harwood observes. "They think they are completely immune to this. They think they are completely immune to the idea that a meme or a lie can spread within their ranks." Yet the narrative that this was a "groiper"—an alt-right assassin or MAGA supporter—permeated people of influence and authority in a way that celebration thankfully didn't.
On a more positive note, Harwood points out that no one in any real position of authority celebrated the assassination. "The highest person in any position of authority is the incoming president of the Oxford Union," he notes. No elected American politicians, no state governors endorsed the killing. Bernie Sanders issued a moving statement condemning the violence despite his disagreements with Kirk's views.
The Conservative Response: A Test of Principles
The assassination has created tensions within the conservative movement over how to respond. Attorney General Pam Bondi made waves by suggesting the government would crack down on hate speech in the wake of Kirk's murder. This prompted pushback even from prominent conservatives, as the statement contradicted both the First Amendment and a 2017 Supreme Court case affirming that hate speech is protected speech. Bondi has since walked back her comments.
She also suggested that employers, though not legally compelled, should be obliged to punish people in certain situations. One case generating discussion involves a Home Depot employee who refused to print pro-Charlie Kirk posters. This stance seems at odds with the conservative movement's fight for the right of Christian cake shops not to produce wedding cakes for gay weddings.
As Slater notes, this represents a crucial fight on the American right: "Are they going to respond to this very much in the spirit that Charlie Kirk seemed to represent—there's a tweet of his from not too long ago saying that of course hate speech is free speech—or whether or not there is going to be this appetite which you see in sections of not just the American right but the right more broadly these days for fighting fire with fire, for revenge?"
Trump's State Visit to the UK
Meanwhile, Trump's state visit to the UK has proceeded with carefully choreographed ceremony at Windsor and Chequers. The visit has been largely successful from a diplomatic standpoint, though significant policy disagreements remain on issues including free speech, Gaza, and fossil fuels.
Harwood, who attended the Windsor events, notes everything was "utterly coordinated" and "pitch perfect" until the press conference—"the moment we were waiting for." Unlike controlled diplomatic exchanges, Trump took question after question from both American and British press, clearly enjoying the format.
While some sympathetic media suggested Starmer "got out of it intact," clear points of disagreement emerged. Trump's response when Starmer condemned Hamas—clapping him on the back as if to say "well done"—revealed the gap between them on Palestinian statehood recognition. Trump's call to "drill baby drill" to exploit resources in Scotland was telling, as was the question of free speech and the awkward Mandelson situation.
Trump even pretended not to know who Peter Mandelson was, despite being photographed together in the Oval Office just months earlier, where Trump praised Mandelson's accent and called him handsome. It was a transparent diplomatic fiction to give Starmer some breathing room.
Trump's Vision of Anglo-American Ties
Despite policy disagreements, Harwood argues Trump is "genuinely a pro-British president." In his banquet speech, Trump spoke of seeing himself as ethnically British and praised the British Empire for establishing structures of rights and individual liberty in ways no American president has done before.
"He had this refrain about everywhere that once flew a British flag, you know, the institutions that were built up underneath that flag, not least in a little place called the United States of America, are those foundational rights and liberties that we enjoy today," Harwood recounts. Trump spoke of how a fifth of the world "speaks this language, thinks in this language, dreams in this language, prays in this language."
"He clearly was trying to get out some sort of essence about the United Kingdom as a mother nation for the English-speaking peoples around the world," Harwood observes. "He doesn't speak like that about America's long and historic ties with France, for instance, of which there are many. But it's not that sense of romance that is so deep and meaningful."
The Anti-Trump Protests: Smaller and Wetter
Anti-Trump protests materialized but were noticeably smaller than during his previous state visit, and considerably wetter thanks to British weather. The Stop Trump Coalition, fronted by immigration researcher Zoë Gardner, put out apocalyptic messaging accusing Trump of "fanning the flames of fascism on either side of the pond."
Slater found it revealing that their promotional video had to fabricate news reports showing British paramilitary forces disappearing migrants to illustrate their claims about rising fascism. "In order to illustrate what they were saying, they had to fabricate news reports, which I think tells you something about what kind of parallel universe these people tend to inhabit," he notes.
The reality? Britain spent four days trying to deport a single individual, with about six failed attempts before succeeding.
The protests have "the texture of a temper tantrum," according to Slater. Protesters reach for the script of anti-fascism to pretend "they're not just raging against a democratically elected president, that they're not just raging against the people." It's petulance masquerading as principled resistance—"Veruca Salt masquerading as Rosa Luxemburg," in Slater's memorable phrase.
The Anglosphere Obsession
The protests also reveal something curious about British political culture: an obsession with America that far exceeds interest in Europe. "We are so Anglocentric," Harwood observes. "We care so much more about what goes on in America than countries on our doorstep."
He notes that Georgia Meloni has immigration policies similar to Trump's, yet when she visits London, there are no protests. When she was elected in Italy with strong anti-illegal immigration policies, no British activists made videos or organized marches. "These are the same people who will walk out with a beret and say that we should rejoin a political union with countries that they clearly don't give a fig about," Slater adds.
This became clear during the Stop Brexit marches. Activists knew every detail of American politics but had never heard of the gilets jaunes protests happening simultaneously in France. Slater recalls being "probably the only person in the country who watched the Spitzenkandidaten debate for the European Commission president."
"The Remainers in particular continue to talk of Europe as if it's like a haven from populism," Myers notes. "Do you know what's going on in Europe at the moment?" With potential presidents from the National Rally in France, the political situation in Germany, and the government in Italy, if there are "low information voters in that discussion, it's them."
The Hilarious Collapse of "Your Party"
Back in British politics, Jeremy Corbyn and Zara Sultana's new left-wing party has descended into chaos before it even properly launched. The party, which includes four Gaza-focused independent MPs alongside Corbyn and Sultana, appears to have multiple people with access to its email list of hundreds of thousands of supporters.
An unauthorized email went out directing people to pay £55 to join via a website called "yourpartymembership.uk." Corbyn quickly tweeted that someone had "wrestled control of the email list" and urged people not to send money—though many already had.
Then Sultana issued a statement accusing the party of being a "sexist boys club" that had frozen her out of discussions. She and Corbyn had supposedly agreed to a 50/50 male-female board, but this hadn't materialized. She called on Corbyn to meet with her—suggesting they hadn't even been in regular contact.
When Sultana talks about the party, it's "very much her and Jeremy." When Corbyn talks about it, "it's very much him and the four Gaza independents." A parallel power structure has emerged, with Corbyn apparently meeting regularly with the Gaza independents while Sultana finds herself sidelined.
The Gaza Coalition's Fundamental Contradiction
The party's problems go deeper than organizational chaos. Sultana represents Coventry South, a seat with two universities and loads of students—"the very definition of a sort of student politics seat," as Harwood describes it. It's socially liberal, perfect for her brand of libertarian left politics focused on LGBT rights and women's liberation.
The Gaza independents, by contrast, represent some of the most socially conservative constituencies in Britain. "Look at the British social attitudes survey or the census or attitudes within those areas," Harwood notes. "Highly, highly socially conservative, highly religious, some of the least likely places in the country to want to go along with LGBT liberation or however Zara Sultana would describe it. I mean, let alone trans rights. These people don't support equal marriage."
These are constituencies that hosted anti-LGBT education protests, opposing the idea that children could be taught "some families have two moms and some families have two dads." The only thing linking these Gaza independents to Sultana's politics is the issue of Gaza itself. "It's a one-way street. There is no love in the other direction," Myers observes.
"It's such a difficult coalition to hold together and it requires deft tactical talent, which I don't think Jeremy Corbyn or Zara Sultana have in spades," Harwood concludes diplomatically.
Leadership Vacuum
The public spats reveal the fundamental unsuitability of the party's leadership. Slater notes that Corbyn becoming Labour leader was "a kind of historical quirk." He only stood because it was his turn. "He was always seen as a kind of old duffer, really uninspiring, not particularly intelligent. These were things that even his friends would say about him—not well read, famously."
Unlike a John McDonnell figure who was "a bit of a bruiser and a bit of a factionalist," Corbyn "just wanted everyone to kind of get along, and that was part of his undoing." Sultana, meanwhile, is "like an overgrown student union official. She has no idea. It's all about her. It's all about her own personal brand. There's a kind of purity aspect to her politics."
The disagreements have played out openly on cultural issues, particularly transgender rights. Sultana has stated there is no place in progressive politics for anyone who doesn't believe trans women are women. Meanwhile, Akhmed Yakoob, one of the Gaza independents, has openly talked about not going along with that and argued there should be space on the left for socially conservative people.
Slater worries that despite the organizational chaos, "anti-Israel bigotry is so intense amongst these people that that glue will hold for many of them." The depressing reality is that this single issue may prove powerful enough to keep the coalition together, at least for a while.
The Green Party Alternative
The chaos in "your party" may be driving some activists toward the Green Party, which is doing "a much smarter job in holding the coalition together," according to Harwood. New Green Party leader Zack Polanski is seen as a good communicator and persuasive figure.
The Greens also have their own Gaza-focused faction in the form of deputy leader Mamun Ali, a councillor who shouted "Allahu Akbar" when elected and dedicated his victory to Gaza. But the Greens "have been able to do a bit more deft politics in bridging gaps in a way that we just haven't seen in your party."
Some on the far left were disappointed when Polanski became Green Party leader, preferring a more explicitly radical figure. But his communication skills and the party's better organizational structure may prove more effective at building the broad coalition that "your party" is failing to maintain.
One In, One Out: Britain's Migration Farce
The discussion concluded with Britain's new migration scheme, marketed as "one in, one out." At the time of recording, exactly one person had been deported under the scheme—an Indian man sent to France, which will promptly deport him to India.
The scheme was immediately derailed by lawyers representing migrants. One case involves a 25-year-old man from Eritrea whose mother paid for him to come over in a small boat. He claims this means he was trafficked—by his own mother—and that he didn't want to come to the UK but really wants to stay.
"Surely if you're trafficked somewhere, the first thing you would take is a free plane ticket out of there," Myers observes dryly.
Harwood traces the problem to Theresa May's Modern Slavery Act. "The only thing that act has done other than stop us deporting people who are clearly not modern slaves is put an annoying little hyperlink on any company that employs over a dozen people or something." Every large company website now prominently features their modern slavery policy on the front page.
The Modern Slavery Commissioner appeared on Radio 4 claiming the protections have "never been abused. Not once." She earns £120,000 per year.
Harwood points out the slogan itself is misleading: "It's not one in, one out at all. It's one out, one in. They're sending someone away but they're getting someone from France in return. I don't think we should accept this one in, one out idea." And that doesn't even include people coming in illegally, who obviously aren't counted under the scheme.
Labour's Lack of Stomach for Reform
Slater notes that if Labour had the stomach for the fight, they might actually be well-positioned to reform Britain's asylum system. Just as the Tory Party could get away with some left-wing policies, "the Labour Party can only really get away with—could potentially get away with—doing some quite right-wing things, but they don't have the stomach for it."
The problem is "at the core of what they are." Lord Hermer, the Attorney General, has said that anything he deems in contravention of international law, he would "essentially do his utmost to veto."
Comparisons to New Labour are instructive. While New Labour had many faults, it "had a kind of much more pragmatic streak where a lot of these things were concerned." Former New Labour cabinet ministers like Jack Straw and David Blunkett, who "ushered in the whole regime that we're slowly but surely trying to unpick," have come out forcefully saying, "This is a problem. We at the very least need to suspend our membership of the ECHR. We need to look afresh at these international agreements."
Yet Starmer's Labour remains "incredibly blinkered on these particular questions."
The Curious Case of Lord Hermer
What makes this especially puzzling is that Lord Hermer survived Starmer's comprehensive cabinet reshuffle. "The home secretary is new, the foreign secretary's new, obviously a new housing secretary, agriculture secretary new. You look across the board, everyone's changed. But one person who's kept his job is Lord Hermer," Harwood notes.
"I know for a fact there are people sitting around that cabinet table who loathe his presence in the room, who think that he sees his job as blocking, as stopping." Dawn Butler, who previously held a similar role, "loved that job" but was sacked to make room for Hermer.
"Why put Shabana Mahmood as home secretary if you're going to keep Lord Hermer as attorney general?" Harwood asks. "It just seems to frustrate her essentially. It seems like a very, very odd decision. Perhaps it's an insight into what Keir Starmer really thinks beyond the pragmatic or political decisions. Where does he ideologically sit alongside Lord Hermer?"
The answer to that question may reveal more about Starmer's true priorities than any number of policy announcements or carefully crafted speeches.
Video Transcript
I think we're learning more about the alleged assassin certainly, but I think we're also learning more about the
incredibly febal and dark political climate that seems to surround the shoot. Just it's such a difficult coalition to
hold together and it requires death, tactical talent, which I don't think Jeremy Corbyn or Zara Sultana have in
spades. The Romanians in particular continue to talk of Europe as if it's like a haven from populism. It's like I do know
what's going on. It just shows that if there are any low information voters in that discussion, it's them.
Hello and welcome to the Spike podcast. I'm Fraser Myers. Delighted as ever to be joined by Spike's editor, Tom Slater.
Hello. And thrilled for his first time on the Spike Pot to have GB News's Tom Harwood. Welcome.
Uh, it's a delight to make it all the more confusing for having two Toms here. Um, I I think we're all going to be sort
of double speaking and not speaking at all. It's going to be tough to chair, but I'm going to I'm going to hold your arm. Should we do surnames or something like
we're back at school? Yeah, say to Harwood sounds like a law firm, but it really does.
Right. So, before we get into the topics, everyone at home needs to know that this podcast is going to be coming
live from the Battle of Ideas. In fact, we're going to be doing two podcast. We'll be doing this podcast on the 18th
of October and Last Orders on the 19th of October. And since you're extra special spiked listeners and viewers,
you can get an amazing discount. You can get 20% off with the code spiked. And you can get that discount on any ticket.
So right now if you buy your ticket, you'll also get 20% off the early bird ticket, which is an even bigger
discount. So just buy the ticket now. Don't think about it. Come join us. Come see us at the Battle of Ideas on the
18th and 19th of October. Huge week this week. So lots to talk about. We'll be discussing the ongoing fallout from the
Charlie Kirk killing, the Trump State visit to the UK, and the hilarious
collapse of your party. [Music]
We've been learning a lot more about the Charlie Kirk uh suspect uh Tyler
Robinson. We've been learning all about his political beliefs, some of the things that have been encased on his
bullets, some of the confessions and text messages and things like that. Tom Slater, do you want to start off and
tell us a bit about what um what we now know? No, absolutely. So, he's now officially been charged with aggravated murder. It
seems like they're going to be seeking the death penalty. And we now seem to know a lot more about what the alleged
motive would be. And there was obviously some of these early indications kind of reports as you say, Fraser, of the shell
casings be being engraved with protrans or prompt messages. And that seems to be what has
been borne out in the evidence which has been gathered. in particular a series of messages between himself and um an
individual he's living with and apparently dating a man who was in the process of transitioning talking
Robinson very explicitly about the fact that he'd in his words had enough of Kirk's hate um mentioning the fact that
um he had again kind of scrolled these essentially kind of very online kind of protrans memes um which I won't mention
because people I'm sure they'll go over most people's heads but clearly they're being a sort sort of nent political
agenda there and also a kind of insight into his sort of psyche this it was kind of very much akin to what you see in a
lot of political assassinations politically motivated mass shootings that we've seen in America recently
which is regardless of the political persuasion there's this kind of nihilism
very online almost kind of giggling quality to it which makes it even more
unsettling. So it it certainly seems at least at this point it's giving the light a lot of the deflections that were happening from many people on the
American left that we don't know what this could possibly have been about and maybe it was a it was a magazor who got
carried away. I mean, all the kind of slightly absurd things that were said in the in the wake of that horrendous assassination and it's um not only has
allowed us to learn a lot more about what seems to have taken place here, but I think it's also turned into a much
bigger discussion about political violence and the question about whether or not particularly the American left
are creepily enamored with it because if it was just this one individual, that would be one thing. But we've all seen
polls in recent days. There's one that the economist did with Yugov, which is essentially found, and this was done in the wake of the shooting or certainly
around the time that American liberals are essentially more than twice as
likely to approve of political violence in certain situations. I believe it's 20% for liberals, about 7% for
conservatives and moderates. And that particular amongst the younger generation is very concentrated. So under 40, it's about one in three
liberals who would support it in some circumstances. And I think it's important to stress, and we did touch on this on the podcast last week, but this
particular form of political violence is almost the most chilling because this is not an individual who held elected office, who held power, who was an
oligarch, who had any kind of power over anyone. Not to say that that justifies gives a a cart blanch to
political violence. But you see the point I'm making, it was purely because it seems this individual disagreed with
what he said. This is a kind of this is a new form of political violence or at least a particularly chilling form of
political violence we seem to be dealing with here which is essentially murderous intolerance that phrase had had enough
of his hate. He'd had enough of his opinions effectively. So I think we're learning more about the alleged assassin
certainly but I think we're also learning more about the incredibly febal and dark political climate that seems to
surround this shooting. And do you see this Tom as as a bit of an extension of that idea that you know words wound and
you know words are violence and we need to stand up to you know or silence is violence even in the face of oppressive
ideas right and that internally justifies in this warped sort of mindset the idea
that you have to fight back against your perceived violence with more violence. I
mean, it's the most pernicious ideology to say that someone's view, what someone
thinks, not what they do, what they think can actively hurt you. I mean, how
in I mean, you know, if you are fed up of Charlie Kirk's opinions, don't go to
the area where Charlie Kirk is speaking. Don't go and attend his debate or his
rally. If you're really that upset with what he has to say, don't listen to it. I mean, everyone has that option. Now,
there are things that Charlie Kirk said that I agree with. There are things that Charlie Kirk say that I I disagreed with. But my goodness me, one of the
things that I found looking back over uh his debates and and sort of his his back
and forth on college campuses, all the rest of it over the over the past years is how courteous he is, how he's when
when there's a a person because he wanted to debate liberals in good faith, find common ground, bring people
forwards. when someone says, you know, I'm a liberal or or you know, I have different pronouns or whatever, he'd always tell the crowds, you know, look,
we outnumber them. We outnumber them. Let this person have their say. And and
I just find it extraordinary that someone would have got to the level where that that sort of discourse, I
mean, having people exchanging ideas over microphones, I mean, that is violence. In what world? And what have
you made of the the sort of broader response to it or the I I would say the bad kind of response because there has
been of course a lot of magnanimous response to it on all sides of the political spectrum but there has been this kind of ranging from gleeful
celebration to outright misinformation. I think number one I'm very pleased that seemingly no one in any position of
authority has celebrated this. The highest person in any position of authority is the incoming president of
the Oxford Union. I mean, if that's as high as it gets, there's been no elected American politicians. There's been no
state governors. There's been I mean, if we're looking at the people who really are, it's random people on Tik Tok. it's
lower level uh people sort of celebrating which I think conversely
actually shows some signs of health that like people in positions of authority know that the right thing to do is to I
mean the the statements put out by Bernie Sanders for instance was actually very very moving and exactly the right
tone for someone that had nothing to say that was agreeable with Charlie Kirk but
um the statement that he put out I thought was very very moving indeed. Um, I think the more pernicious thing is the
posttruth element. Strangely in the left in America, they think they're immune to this.
They think they are completely immune to postruth politics. The idea that a meme
or a lie can sort of spread within their ranks. But but very clearly this lie,
this outright lie based on no evidence whatsoever other than hopes and feelings
uh that oh the the shooter couldn't possibly be leftwing because he was violent.
Yeah. And therefore it must have been a right-wing thing because the rightwing are the violent ones. They're the ones with the guns and the hate and therefore
the shooter must have been rightwing. This went all the way up to Jimmy Kimmel. Yeah. I mean that that's why I'm more
concerned about the post-truth meme. uh that this was a groer as they're known,
sort of an alt-right assassin or or a MAGA Trumpist.
The idea that it was one of these people was a meme that permeated people of
influence and authority in a way that uh celebration didn't.
I think that's fair to say. On the question of where has this come from? I think the fact that Charlie Kirk was
someone who made his name in the campus culture awards is very instructive on this particular point. So he sets up
Turning Point USA's organization I think around 2012. That kind of period over the course of the 2010s in which you
started to see what we now call wokeness or cancel culture, what we might previously call political correctness or
no platforming or what have you really starting to explode on American university campuses. And what was clear
even around 2015 2016 was that it was this was beginning to turn violent. It
was around that time that Milo Yiannaplo if anyone remembers him was speaking at Berkeley in California and there were
riots in which people showed up to brawl with you know supporters of his and so on. I think it was around the same time
that Middbury College where um Charles Murray was invited to speak by a professor um this was um shut down. It
was protested against the professor in question was assaulted out to go to the hospital. So there was already these kind of indications that this was
curdling into something quite extreme and sort of violent. And this is on this is the logical next step and it does go
back to that point you've both discussed very well which is if you accept the idea that speech is violence that
invites one of two responses either censorship as we've seen endlessly over this side of the pond or violence. You
respond in either you try to clamp down on it in the same way that you would behavior or you try to respond in kind.
you take matters in your into your own hands and so there is a grim almost
predictability to what has taken place. Obviously the the horror of the spectacle has shocked many people and
rightly so. But surely this is only the most extreme extent of a culture which
was bubbling on university campuses has now certainly escaped that in terms of a lot of the excuse making which has been
taking place but it was always heading in this direction. isolate. One other thing to note here is it's really
tempting to try and fit people into neat ideological group. The shooter obviously
leftwing. He wrote on one of the bullets, "Hey, fascist catch." He said he was fed up of Charlie Kirk's hate.
That's that's why he wanted to kill Charlie Kirk. But at the same time, he wasn't steeped in Marxist ideology. He wasn't a member
of a Leninist group. I mean this was a guy who was very online a gamer clearly
became leftwing as he grew up but but wasn't sort of steeped in political ideology more more in a culture of it if
anything said um if you see this you are gay lau
you know that's the level of trolling and lack of seriousness it's less seizing the means of production and more the production of
memes. Yeah, absolutely. One thing that has also been a big talking point this week is the response from some of the administration. Um Pam
Bondi, the attorney general, um made a lot of waves when she said in the
interview that in the wake of Charlie Kirk's assassination that the government was going to come down very hard on hate
speech um which was something which actually in a quite heartening fashion caused a lot of Russians even amongst
very prominent conservatives and and right-wingers. Um she seems to make the mistake incidentally that Tim Waltz, the
uh you know, former Democratic vice presidential hopeful made in that debate with JD Vance where he says, you know, the first amendment doesn't protect hate
speech. It absolutely does. I mean, there was a case as recent as 2017 in which it upheld that that was the case.
She's now rode back on that, but I think it's it was a telling moment as far as there has been something of an appetite
on sections of the American right for some form of retribution or even just
sort of low-level cancel culture. Another comment she made was that um employers even though they're not legally compelled should be obliged to
punish people in certain situations. There's been this kind of one particular case which has generated a lot of discussion of it seems like a Home Depot
employee who refused to print pro Charlie Kirk posters or whatever. And this coming from a conservative movement
in the US which has fought tooth and nail for the right of say Christian cake shops not to you know produce a wedding
cake for a for a gay wedding and so on. So it's um it's that's clearly going to
be a fight on the American right is are they going to respond to this very much in the spirit that Charlie Kirk seemed
to you know represent there's there's a tweet of his from not too long ago saying that of course hate speech is free speech
or whether or not there is going to be this appetite which you see um in sections of not just the American right
but the right more broadly these days for sort of fighting fire with fire for revenge and I think that's going to
really be where a lot of the discussion is certainly where speech rights are concerned as we go forward. This episode of the Spike podcast is
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Let's talk about the Trump State visit to the UK. We're currently on the second full day of the visit. I mean, I'd say
it's probably going well as far as the ceremony is concerned, but there are some quite big issues that uh the US and
the UK disagree on and everything from free speech to Gaza to uh fossil fuels
and energy. Tom, what have you made of it? It's been interesting, hasn't it? I was down in Windsor uh on the first day of
the visit. Um utterly coordinated. Yeah. So choreographed. Nothing could go
wrong. Nothing could go out of place. the people had been rehearsing the the sort of uh big armed forces display
there, the the state banquet, all of it, you know, written beforehand, pitch perfect, nothing could go wrong. And
again, um on the second day in the morning, uh in Checkers, choreographed,
right? You had um going around seeing the Churchill archives at Checkers, um having a a business, um sort of lunch,
uh signing a deal that obviously been pre-agreed. nothing could possibly go wrong. All coordinated until until you
get to the press conference, the moment we were waiting for, right? And that and that is the point where there can't be control because
you've got the American press pack, you've got the British press pack, and you've got an American president who
loves taking questions. It's no one two one two done as you sometimes see as you
saw with the with Emanuel Mron for instance. No, no, no. Trump took question after question after question.
He clearly loves it. That's that's definitely his format and it was interesting because generally speaking at least if you look at a lot of the I
don't want to say sympathetic media because there many of them have a you know cast iron responsibility towards impartiality supposedly but there was a
kind of sense that Stalma got out of it intact. Um but at the same time there were clear points of disagreement. I
mean the we were talking about this just before we started recording Tom, but the point in which you know Star condemns Hamas and gets a clap on the back from
Trump for doing so as if like well done you know was kind of interesting and indicated the gap between them on the
question of the recognition of a Palestinian state or what have you. His call for you know drill baby drill to
exploit the resources in um Trump's beloved Scotland was very telling. The question of free speech bubbled up. The
Mandlesson thing. Obviously, Trump threw Stalm at a bone by kind of pretending not to know who Peter Mandlesson was,
even though they were pictured together in the Oval Office not even a couple of months ago, at which Trump, you know, falsomely praised Mandlesson's accent.
No, he thought he was very handsome as well. You know, there were elements in which obviously he kind of got out of it in
one piece, but at the same time, it's a reminder of how shaky this relationship
is to say the least. And you know, maybe it is just Kia Starman's sheer powers of
um I don't know, ass kissing or something that's worse or you know, it's not charisma is the sheer the sheer
beauty of his voice. But I do think there is something deeper that is Donald Trump is genuinely a pro
British president. I mean, he sees himself as ethnically British. He talked
about that in his banquet speech uh on the first night. He he kept saying and actually in a way that I think no
American president really has done before, at least not that I'm aware of, praising the British Empire for
establishing sort of the structures of rights, of individual liberty, of what we all enjoy, frankly, what all of the
wealthy countries in the world today enjoy. Yeah. and and and he had this sort of refrain about everywhere that
once flew a British flag, you know, the institutions that were built up underneath that flag, not least in a
little place called the United States of America, are those foundational rights
and liberties that we enjoy today. And the fact that a fifth of the world speaks this language, thinks in this
language, dreams in this language, prays in this language. He clearly was trying
to get out some sort some sort of essence about the United Kingdom as a as a sort of mother nation for the
English-speaking peoples around the world. I thought that was quite a powerful bond. I mean, he doesn't speak
like that about the America's long and historic ties with France, for instance, of which there are many. But it's not
that sense of romance that is so deep and and meaningful. And I think that
probably goes some way to explain as well why many Americans are so horrified by the free speech situation in Britain,
which is equally bad, let's face it, on on the continent. Um, we should talk a little bit about the anti-Trump
protests. I think um fair to say a little bit smaller than last time, a little bit
wetter. Uh Tom Slater, what have you made of it? Now, I thought it was interesting that um this call to arms
was put out by the stop Trump coalition who kind of, you know, dusted off the plaqueard from last time he had the
state visit. Um the language is is, you know, it's still pretty apocalyptic. I think it's fair to say. I mean, they're
essentially accusing him. There was this video fronted by Zoe Gardner, everyone's favorite immigration researcher the
other week um talking about that he's basically fanning the flames of fascism on either sides of the pond um in order
to you could see what a fever dream that was. But in in this little video they had to demonstrate how fascistic Britain
was becoming by a series of fake news reports in which there was like this kind of British paramilitary force that
was disappearing migrants. So like in order to illustrate what they were saying, they had to fabricate news reports which I think tells you
something about what kind of parallel universe these people tend to and of course the reality in this country is that we've spent the last
four days trying to deport at least one individual. I think I think we've managed one but it took four days and
about six failures. It just it remind I mean it was like this when you had the last state visit
the point when um David Lamb was leading the protests. um he's now wouldn't dare go near that platform. But it's um this
has the the texture of a temper tantrum to be perfectly frank. First of all, it's as if this will achieve anything. He's not going to step down because a
few thousand corona show up. But it's also the um sense in which there is this this is I think the reason they have to
reach for the script of anti-fascism and revolt and whatever is because it allows
them to pretend that they're not just raging against a democratically elected president that they're not just raging against the people that this is
obviously part and parcel of a kind of transatlantic culture war against populism and the kinds of voters they think are voting for these particular
parties. There's a petulence to it. In that video that they put out there was one particular line which is along the lines of you know in 2017 we protested
against him and we thought if we shouted loud enough he would go away. Yeah. And it was this kind it was like this kind
of veruk assault masquerading as Rose Luxembourg. You know that kind of engagement. It also speaks to the idea that actually
we are so anglocentric and I mean that not just as as this country but we care
so much more about what goes on in America than countries on our doorstep. I mean we we don't think of ourselves as
European. Georgia Maloney has about the same immigration policy as Donald Trump. Yeah. When Georgia Maloney comes to
London, there any protests at all? I mean, no, there really aren't. I mean,
when when when when she was elected and her new party in Italy, did anyone sort of do because she because she had pretty
strong policies to stop the boats across the uh across the Mediterranean, but did you get videos being made on British
social media? Did anyone follow the No, I think people feel so much more attached to the Anglosphere in general
than any European country. And yet these are the same people who will walk out with a beret and and say that we should
rejoin a political union with countries that they clearly don't give a fig about. Yeah. I remember, you know,
realizing that whenever you'd talk to people on the sort of stop Brexit marches and you'd ask them about what's going on in Europe. I mean there there
was a time when there was a big remain march and it was exactly the same time as the one of the big gi marches and
they they've never heard of the yellow vest at all. So you know they have no idea what's going on. They'll know a lot more about America.
They'll watch the American debates. I think I'm probably the only person in the country who watched the Spitz and Cardinal debate for the European
Commission president. Well, um I bit of a waste of time since it doesn't actually decide. That is so true. So true.
The Romanians in particular continue to talk of Europe as if it's like a haven from populism. It's like do you know
what's going on in Europe at the moment? You could be in a situation where you've got maybe not a president the pen because he's been legally barred from
doing so. But certainly the front you know the old front nasial doing very well. you look at what's going on in Germany who's in power in Italy. You
think the it just shows that if there are any low information voters in that discussion is them 100%.
And I would say every single person that I spoke to uh yesterday at the Trump rally without fail said that Trump was a
fascist. I don't think there was without qualification. Yeah. Without any that was so that was quite
eye opening. Do you think one of the reasons why it was a bit smaller is that the Labour Party almost hasn't given
permission for it? Last time round you had people like David Lambie, now the deputy prime minister, going out and
about saying those same things. He said we would chain himself to Downing Street, which he didn't do, so he needs
to be called out on that. Amazing. It's like all those people saying they'll move to Canada and they'll never do. Clearly, what you've had is a party that
was very happy to bang the anti-Trump drum when it was politically convenient for them and and and clearly they can
make political capital out of that. they find themselves in power and they realize actually that is a terrible geopolitical thing to do. I mean you've
got a a president who is predisposed towards this country who is waging economic war against lots of parts of
the world. Do do you really want to go and poke the bear? I mean is that really your strategy? And so I think really a
lot of people have suddenly thought oh oh maybe the first state visit wasn't a bad idea after all. Maybe people have
maybe I'm being too optimistic here. people rethought their own actions six or seven years ago. I think I think maybe it's just yeah
they're in the government so they sort of they're forced to grow up whether they'd like to or or not. But I mean the
closest thing I think we've seen this time was there was an SMP uh MSP who who tweeted that said that no one should go
to this state banquet you know if you go to the if you go to Trump's banquet you're endorsing genocide. Quickly
deleted the tweet when he realized that the S&P leader was there. Amazing. Carol's a governor. So, should we talk
about your party? My party? Your party? I I founded a No, it's it's all of our
party because it's going to be a very democratic and open party. Probably a bit too Yeah, probably a bit
too open because we don't know who who's in charge. Um Tom, do you want to explain? I mean, this is the most extraordinary
spell this for us. There's lots. So, um clearly lots of different people have access to this powerful email list.
I mean, it's hundreds of thousands of people signed up to this exciting new utopian project of a new party that's
going to be the standard bearer for the left, founded by Jeremy Corbyn and Zara Sultana. This sort of double-headed
party. Oh, and by the way, there are four Gaza independents who are MPs associated with this party, too. When
Zara Sultana is talking about the party, it's very much her and Jeremy. When Jeremy's talking about the party, it's very much him, Bbal. um shock
the rest of them. All the boys it's the boys club and and and strangely a parallel website was set
up called your party membership. An email was sent out saying if you want to join £55 go to your party membership.uk
at which point then Jeremy Corbyn puts out a tweet saying someone has wrestled control of the email list. This was not
an authorized email. uh do not give your m a lot of people gave this account £55.
Zara Sultana then puts out a a message saying um
something along the lines of this is a boys club sexist boys club. They haven't allowed
any women on the board. Jeremy and I agreed to have a 50/50 male female
board. I have been frozen out of discussions. Um I am calling on Jeremy
to have a meeting with me. I mean, it looks like they haven't met and and Jeremy meets with the Gaza independents
the whole time and and with a mass when that's ever when they're available. But isn't this extraordinary? We've seen in public Jer
Sarana sort of talking about, you know, the importance of LGBT rights and women's liberation, and she finds
herself in a party that is majority made up, at least in parliament, of socially conservative
um Islamic MPs who are elected on a sort of politically Islamic ticket. and and
she is she is surprised that these people who are elected in some of the most socially conservative
places in the country I mean are places that these guys independents did well in are places that had the anti-LGBT
education protests protesting the idea that children could be taught that some families have two moms and some families
have two dads. I I mean these are the areas that are voting for these Gaza
independents. only thing that links the Gaza independence to the sort of libertarian left, if we can call that
Zarus Sultan's politics, is the issue of Gaza. And they're starting to find sooner than I think anyone had predicted
the fact that actually this Gaza coalition, the the the gaze for Gaza or whatever it is. I mean, like it's it's
it's a one-way street. There is no love the other direction. Absolutely. And it's extraordinary
because this is not even the first sort of public spat had with your party. Even when it launched, Jeremy Corbyn said he
wasn't aware that the party had been launched um or tried to sort of steal a
march on it. So this these um tensions have been there from the beginning it looks like. Yeah. But actually from the
very beginning it's just like a complete horror show. They might manage to get the show back on the road, but at the same time it's a first of all it's a
reminder of just how lacking the two individuals at the head of it really are. I mean the fact that Jeremy Corbyn
became leader of the Labour Party is a kind of historical quirk. um both um
horrendous and with horrendous and hilarious consequences. I mean, he only really stood for the Labour leadership because it was his turn. He was always
seen as a kind of old duffer, really uninspiring, not particularly intelligent. These were um things that
even his friends would say about him, you know, not well read, not well read famously. The fact that he became the kind of standard bearer for
the left of British politics is a kind of accident anyway. He obviously wasn't cut out for leading, unlike a kind of
McDonald figure who's a bit of a bruiser and a bit of a factionalist. um he just wanted everyone to kind of get along and
that was part of his undoing. You then got Zara Sultana who is like an overgrown student union official like
she has no idea. It's all about her. It's all about her own personal brand. Um there's a kind of purity um aspect to
her politics. Um and it's not to say there are obviously huge disagreements within the party, but it the way in
which that's played out on some of these cultural issues has been very interesting. So the particularly on the
issue of um transgender you have seen quite openly Zara Sultana on one side um
saying that there is no place in progressive politics for anyone who doesn't believe that you know trans women are women or what have you. You
got Adm Hussein doing meetings in Blackburn with Jeremy Corbyn who has openly talked about the fact that he's
not willing to go along with that and surely there should be space in the left for socially conservative people and so on and so forth. So, it's um the the
depressing thing about it, aside from the kind of blowups in your party at the moment, but I worry that anti-Israel
bigotry is so intense amongst these people that that glue will hold for many of them. Aside from the kind of, you
know, Zoro Sultana might march off in one direction or whatever, but for the moment that is so powerful, depressingly
so that it will keep the show on the road, not just with your party, but with the Greens who are going down a very important point and I think this is this
is something that Owen Jones tweeted at moments after Zaros sort of he was I
think a lot of the people on the on the far left of of British politics were sort of a bit upset in a way when Zack
Palansky became leader of the Green Party. Not because they didn't like him, they like him. He's a good communicator. All of this sort of stuff. Persuasive.
Exactly. I mean, if that doesn't win the women's vote, who I mean, what will um but but but this idea then I mean, is
there going to be a deal between the Greens and your party? Where does your party sit in this? This might give
permission for people actually to think these people don't know what they're doing. They can't hold the show on the
road. They can't hold this all together. Let's go to the Greens. And the Greens are doing some, I think, a much smarter
job in holding the coalition together. You've got a guy called Man Ali who is the uh deputy leader of the Greens. Uh
who is basically a Gaza independent, but a counselor. He he he um he shouted Alu
Akbar when he was elected as a counselor. Um this is for Gaza as well, he said. Yeah.
Yeah. and and and but strangely what you've been able to do is have a bit more deaf politics from the Greens being
able to bridge gaps in a way that we just haven't seen in your party. I I think perhaps one of the things is that
Zara Sultana represents Coventry South. It's got two universities in it, loads
of students. I mean, it's the very definition of a sort of student politics seat. It's perfect for her. Perfect for her. A and she's in a
independent group alongside I mean the same is true of Jeremy Corbyn listening to North very socially liberal seat but
you look at all of these independents these guys are independents where they won look at the look at the British social attitudes survey or or or the
census or you look at sort of attitudes within those things I mean highly highly
um socially conservative highly religious some of the least likely
places in the country to want to go along with LGBT liberation or however
Zara Sultana would describe it. I mean, let alone trans rights. These people don't support equal marriage. Just it's
such a difficult coalition to hold together and it requires death, tact, and political talent which I don't think
Jeremy Corbyn or Zara Sultana have in spades. That's that's a very kind way of of putting it. Shall we talk very briefly
about the one in one out migration scheme? We got a bit of time left. Yeah. Um at least one has gone out. There's Yeah, at the time of recording,
one person has gone out. 50,000 in 50,000 in, one out. An Indian chap. Um
he's being sent to France and France are just going to instantly deport him to India, which I thought the deal was they
were going to look after asylum seekers and and house them instead of us. Um the
scheme was derailed immediately by um by lawyers. We know about one man's case from Eratraa. Um 25year-old, his mother
paid for him to come over in a small boat. He says that means he was trafficked by his own mother. by his own mother.
Yeah. He didn't he didn't want to be he didn't want to come to the UK but really wants to stay. Right. Yeah. Yeah. I mean surely if
you're trafficked somewhere the first thing you would would take as a free plane ticket out of her. Absolutely. I mean it's it's the most extraordinary
thing. But it is I mean one of the strange legacies of Theresa May. I mean that we have the modern slavery act.
I think the only thing that act has done other than stop us deporting people who are clearly not modern slaves
is put an annoying little hyper any company that employs over a dozen people or something in this country has to
prominently put their modern slavery policy update every year on the front page of their website. You go on any big
company website and you'll see on the front page of that website our modern slavery policy. Why does the Guardian
have a modern slavery policy? I mean what's going on there?
But no, it is extraordinary that I I think what the best thing the best thing this government has done in its entire
time in office is come up with a very sly and slippery slogan which is one in
one out because it's not true at all. It's one out, one in. Yeah.
They're sending someone away but they're getting someone from France in return. I don't think that we should accept this one in one out idea. That that makes it
sound like someone's coming in and they're going back out again. No, no, no. It is one out, one in. Yeah. And that obviously doesn't even
include the people coming in illegally. Of course, they're not even they're not obviously not counted under the scheme. I mean, I will say one thing for the the
modern slavery uh commissioner. She was on radio 4 this morning. Um she said
that the modern slavery protections have never been abused. And not once. And even though we're talking about this
case where it's so obviously bogus, she's on 120 grand a year. So, which is which is nice. I mean, if if the Labour
Party had the stomach for this fight, it would be almost encouraging because especially in terms of actually being
able to get large sections of the media, if not on board than at least to kind of
acquies to proper reform around not only our kind of domestic legal, you know,
um, hurdles to deporting people who have no right to be here, but the kind of broader human rights framework, the ECR,
the refugee convention, whatever. It would be a Labor party led by a human rights lawyer. you know, in the same way
that the Tory party could get away with doing some quite leftwing. Um, it's almost like the Labour Party can only
really get away with could potentially get away with doing some quite rightwing things, but they don't have the stomach for it. I mean, this is not only um
Karma here. I mean, you had Lord Herman not too long ago, the attorney general, saying that anything which he deemed to
be in contravention of international law, he would essentially do his utmost to veto. Yeah. This is at the core of
what they are. And there's there's often a lot of kind of comparison between Star's Labor and New Labor. New Labor,
which I, you know, loathe for all kinds of obvious reasons, I'm sure people can guess, had a kind of much more pragmatic
streak where a lot of these things were concerned. I mean, even many of the new labor cabinet ministers um who ushered
in the um the whole kind of regime that we're slowly but surely trying to unpick. It seems like Jack Straw, David
Blunket have come out very forcefully in recent weeks and said, "This is a problem. We at the very least need to suspend our membership of the ECR. We
need to look a fresh at these international agreements. And yet the um Star's Labor Party are incredibly
blinkered on these particular questions. If I was if I was going to bet any money about 6 months ago on someone being sacked by Star in a reshuffle, I'd have
gone Lord Hurmer. Yeah. And yet you had the most comprehensive reshuffle of just about every post. I mean the home secretary is new, the
foreign secretary's new obviously a new housing section agriculture secretary new. You look across the board,
everyone's changed. But one person who's kept his job is Lord Hermer. And this is despite I know
for a fact there are people sitting around that cabinet table who loathe his presence in the room who think that his
he sees his job as as blocking as stopping. Um and and yet isn't it
strange that he's kept his job. There are a lot of people who like that job and dawn loved that job. Um she of
course was sacked in order that got it. Um but why put Chabana Mammud as home
secretary if you're going to keep Lord Herma as attorney general? I mean it just to
frustrate her essentially. It it seems like a very very odd decision. Perhaps
it's an insight into what Saki Starma really thinks beyond the sort of pragmatic or or political decisions.
Where does he ideologically sit alongside Lord? Thank you so much for watching the Spiked podcast. We'll be
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