Sam Seder Breaks Down His Politicon Debate With Charlie Kirk on Trump and the Middle Class

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Sam Seder Breaks Down His Politicon Debate With Charlie Kirk on Trump and the Middle Class

Sam Seder provides commentary on missing footage from his Politicon debate with Charlie Kirk about whether Trump has helped or hurt the middle class. Seder dissects Kirk's arguments about tax cuts, banking regulation, the 2008 financial crisis, and state economic policies, pointing out factual errors and logical inconsistencies. From the corporate tax debate to the glass-steagall Act repeal, Seder walks through the moments where Kirk's talking points fell apart and explains the real economic data behind wages, job creation, and financial regulation.

Categories: Liberal Opinions
October 25, 2018

The Missing Debate Footage

Sam Seder explains that during a previous show, they played clips from his debate with Charlie Kirk at Politicon, but a TYT recording was missing 20 minutes from the middle of the debate. Rather than try to stitch together footage where Seder is wearing different shirts, he decided to release the full missing segment with commentary.

The goal, Seder emphasizes, wasn't about winning or losing against Kirk, but about giving people insight into what Kirk is selling and why his arguments don't hold up under scrutiny. Seder wants young people in particular to understand that much of what Kirk says is not sound when you examine it closely.

Tax Cuts and the Middle Class

The debate picks up with discussion of tax cuts. Kirk claims the average middle-class family received a $2,700 tax cut. Seder immediately corrects this, noting that while the average might be $2,700, the median is far less—closer to $800. Seder uses the analogy that if Bill Gates and he were in a room together, their average net worth would be $30 billion, but that doesn't mean Seder is a billionaire.

Kirk argues that corporations use their tax savings to invest in capital infrastructure or conduct stock buybacks, suggesting this benefits middle-class employees who own stock. Seder counters that the overwhelming benefit of tax cuts goes to the wealthiest through stock buybacks, capital gains, or S-Corp structures that allow them to pay less in taxes.

Seder notes that while Kirk talks about not cherry-picking, Kirk himself cherry-picks examples. Seder points out he could note that the lowest 15 states in education are all run by Republican governors except Louisiana, which had Bobby Jindal for eight years until 2016.

Regulations and Coal Jobs

When challenged to name three regulations rolled back that helped the middle class, Kirk claims rolling back Obama's "war on coal" created hundreds of thousands of jobs in Appalachia and brought down utility costs in 30 states. The audience laughs at this claim.

Seder explains that if you simply Google coal jobs created, you'll find maybe 3,000 jobs have been added with coal across the country, not hundreds of thousands. Kirk also mentions EPA regulations that classified lakes and tributaries in farmers' backyards as oil spills, which Seder challenges as a mischaracterization.

Kirk brings up the "employment prevention agency" line about the EPA, which Seder mocks as sounding like a canned joke tested on conservative radio rather than a substantive argument.

The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau

Seder points out that the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau saved consumers $900 million in bank fees in its last year under Obama, and returned $13 billion to consumers over its lifetime before the Trump administration stopped its enforcement actions.

Kirk argues that the CFPB forcibly takes money from depositors to fund itself. Seder explains that the CFPB is funded by fees collected from banks, not depositors, and these fees come from bank profits, not customer deposits. Kirk seems confused about how banks make money, suggesting depositor funds are directly used to pay CFPB fees.

Seder clarifies that while banks do make money from lending out deposits, they have capital controls and make profits from various sources. The CFPB fees come from those profits, not from depositor accounts.

The 2008 Financial Crisis and Glass-Steagall

Seder calls for reinstating a 21st century Glass-Steagall Act to separate commercial banks from investment banks, preventing banks from becoming "too big to fail." Kirk responds by bringing up the carried interest deduction, which Seder notes has absolutely nothing to do with Glass-Steagall.

Seder explains that Glass-Steagall separated commercial banks (where people have deposits) from investment banks (which take more speculative risks). The carried interest loophole, by contrast, allows hedge fund managers to pay lower capital gains tax rates instead of income tax rates on their management fees. Seder compares Kirk's response to saying "I want to open a dog kennel" and Kirk responding "I'm against table kennels but I like cats."

On the financial crisis itself, Kirk blames Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, calling them the primary cause. Seder explains that the crisis was caused by banks issuing mortgages irresponsibly, packaging them into derivatives, and getting false Triple-A ratings from private agencies like Moody's and Standard & Poor's. Fannie and Freddie only entered the subprime market four years after major banks, and while they held toxic assets at the end, they weren't the proximate cause.

Seder details how the mortgage industry created a secondary and tertiary market for mortgages bundled as financial instruments, with derivatives and side bets. The rating agencies gave Triple-A ratings because they were hired by the investment banks themselves to rate products those banks were selling.

Banking Regulations and Dodd-Frank

Kirk argues that Dodd-Frank destroyed community banks through excessive regulation. Seder counters that community banks have been declining for 30 years due to mergers and acquisitions, not Dodd-Frank. He notes that Goldman Sachs actually lobbies against repealing Dodd-Frank because it acts as a barrier to smaller competitors.

When Kirk suggests banks should have been allowed to fail in 2008, Seder agrees there's a middle ground. Instead of just bailing out banks with no consequences, the government should have taken equity stakes dollar-for-dollar or better, essentially nationalizing failing banks temporarily like Iceland and Sweden did. This would have prevented the crisis from spreading while ensuring taxpayers owned the banks they saved.

State Economies and the Kansas Experiment

Seder brings up Kansas under Governor Sam Brownback as a perfect example of conservative tax policy failure. Brownback brought in Arthur Laffer and implemented massive tax cuts for the wealthy, promising economic growth and increased revenue. Instead, it was such a disaster that the Republican-controlled state legislature raised taxes four years later because economic growth and employment lagged behind neighboring states.

Seder notes this is the same promise Mitch McConnell and Larry Kudlow made about Trump's tax cuts—that they would pay for themselves and even reduce the deficit. Instead, the deficit has doubled since Obama left office, and now McConnell wants to cut Medicare and Social Security to address it.

Kirk doesn't defend Brownback but pivots to comparing California and Illinois (which he characterizes as failures) with Texas and Florida (which he calls successes). He argues that high-tax states are losing citizens and job creators while low-tax states with less regulation are thriving.

Understanding Charlie Kirk's Debate Style

Throughout his commentary, Seder points out several of Kirk's rhetorical techniques: raising his voice when making dubious claims to project confidence, using prepared talking points rather than engaging with specific arguments, and cherry-picking brief time periods for statistics while ignoring broader trends.

Seder also notes that Kirk seems to lack deep understanding of topics like Glass-Steagall, how banks make money, and the actual causes of the financial crisis. When challenged with specifics, Kirk often pivots to different talking points rather than defending his original claims.

Seder emphasizes he's not trying to claim total victory but rather to help viewers, especially young people, understand how to identify weak arguments dressed up in confident delivery and professional packaging.

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