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Charlie Kirk is the Founder and President of Turning Point USA, the largest and fastest growing conservative youth activist organization in the country with over 250,000 student members, over 150 full-time staff, and a presence on over 2,000 high school and college campuses nationwide. Charlie is also the Chairman of Students for Trump, which aims to activate one million new college voters on campuses in battleground states in the lead up to the 2020 presidential election. His social media reaches over 100 million people per month and according to Axios, he is one of the "top 10 most engaged" Twitter handles in the world. He is also the host of “The Charlie Kirk Show,” which regularly ranks among the top news shows on Apple podcast charts.
Charlie Kirk and Wade Miller Expose Census Fraud: Texas Undercounted by 560,000 While Blue States Inflated Numbers
Charlie Kirk sits down with Wade Miller, senior adviser to the Center for Renewing America, to expose what appears to be systematic fraud in the 2020 Census. While the 2010 census was off by only 36,000 nationwide, Texas alone was undercounted by 560,000 people in 2020, while blue states were massively overcounted. Miller reveals how a secretive algorithm called "differential privacy" scrambles population data in ways that benefit Democrats and hurt rural communities. The implications are staggering: Minnesota gained an electoral vote based on just 26 extra people, illegal aliens are being counted for congressional apportionment, and rural red districts are systematically underrepresented. Miller explains why President Trump's order to republish the census is both constitutional and necessary, and outlines how the administration can fix this corruption.
Charlie Kirk opens the discussion with Wade Miller by examining the situation in Texas, where Republican leadership is attempting to gain five additional congressional seats through redistricting. Governor Abbott has threatened to pursue an additional three seats if Democrats refuse to return to the chamber.
Miller reveals a stunning detail: Texas House Speaker Dustin Burroughs had the redistricting map ready for a vote two weeks prior, with everyone present in the chamber. Instead of holding the vote, he allowed the chamber to adjourn so Democrats could meet with Hakeem Jeffries, knowing they would leave the state to break quorum.
The Republican response has been weak at best. While there have been threats about withholding pay and issuing arrest warrants, Speaker Burroughs said they would not electronically submit Democrat pay for the special session, requiring them to collect it in person. Miller asks the obvious question: why pay them at all? Simple measures like removing parking spots or stripping committee chairmanships have not been implemented.
Governor Abbott has threatened to declare the seats vacant, but he's pursuing this through a court process rather than acting unilaterally. Miller's analysis is clear: Abbott should simply declare the seats vacant based on the empirical evidence that Democrats have abandoned their positions. This would immediately establish quorum and allow the redistricting vote to proceed.
Why Texas Republicans Talk Tough But Act Weak
Kirk asks the question many Texans are wondering: why does Texas political leadership posture as tough while acting so weak? Miller provides insight into the structural problems plaguing Texas politics.
Many current Texas Republican leaders are holdovers from the Bush era. The Texas House Speaker system is fundamentally broken because a speaker can maintain power with just five or six moderate Republicans combined with all the Democrats. This creates a perverse incentive structure where anyone wanting to be speaker can simply appeal to Democrats and a handful of liberal Republicans, leaving conservatives powerless.
As for Governor Abbott specifically, Miller offers a blunt assessment: "If you assume that Greg Abbott is going to do the least amount possible while making it sound like he's doing everything possible, 99% of the time, you'll be correct." Abbott has strong rhetoric but weak action, as demonstrated by Operation Lone Star and the limited use of the invasion declaration, which Miller describes as "pointless" in its first two iterations.
When the Trump administration took action on the border, the crisis stopped quickly, proving that far more could have been done at the state level. Miller attributes this to Abbott's constant concern about elections and moderate voters, representing an older version of Republicanism that resembles "moderate Democrats at best."
Trump's Constitutional Power to Republish the Census
President Trump announced that he is ordering a new census, raising constitutional questions. Miller clarifies the technical distinction: the President can absolutely republish the prior census with corrected data. This is different from conducting an entirely new census or a mid-decade census, though the President has the authority to do those as well.
What Trump is actually calling for is republishing the 2020 census with corrected numbers that account for undercounts, overcounts, and what Miller describes as "fraudulent numbers." The example of Minnesota is particularly egregious: the state gained an electoral vote based on just 26 extra people, a result Miller calls "nakedly fraudulent."
The Massive Errors of the 2020 Census
The scale of census errors is staggering when compared to previous cycles. The 2010 census was off by approximately 36,000 people total nationwide. In contrast, Texas alone was undercounted by 560,000 people in 2020. Numerous other red states were massively undercounted while blue states were massively overcounted.
While census officials blame COVID-19 for these discrepancies, Miller points to a different culprit: Obama-era bureaucrats who radically changed the census process and remain in positions of power. The Census Bureau operates under the Department of Commerce, but the same bureaucrats from the Obama administration and earlier continue to run the operation.
The Differential Privacy Scandal
Miller exposes one of the most troubling aspects of the current census process: differential privacy. Here's how the census is supposed to work: officials count everyone, make corrections to ensure people aren't counted twice (such as college students counted both at their dorm and their parents' home), and produce accurate raw data called the "tiger file." This accurate data should then be sent to the states for redistricting.
But that's not what happens. Instead, the Census Bureau runs an algorithm called "differential privacy" that scrambles the population data. Only a few people at the Census Bureau with special clearance have access to this algorithm. While officials claim it's for privacy protection, Miller argues something more sinister is occurring.
The algorithm moves population numbers around in ways that even states, cities, and counties cannot verify or correct. The variance could be 2% or it could be 40%—nobody outside the Census Bureau actually knows. Harvard has stated that this process likely results in unconstitutional outcomes for redistricting and apportionment purposes.
How Differential Privacy Enables Voter Dilution
The implications of differential privacy are profound. If you have accurate state-level data down to the block level, you can create accurate political districts and congressional districts that properly count citizens. But differential privacy moves population data around in undetermined amounts, making this impossible.
When states believe census numbers are wrong, they previously had a process to get corrections. But now, because of differential privacy, the Census Bureau cannot tell states if numbers are wrong—doing so would reveal how the algorithm works, which they refuse to do.
This creates a major problem for the Trump administration's citizenship question initiative. Even if the administration successfully asks about citizenship status to determine how many legal citizens versus illegal immigrants live in the United States, differential privacy can move those illegal alien numbers all over the state. When it comes time to draw maps, states cannot get full utility from the data.
Illegal Aliens and Electoral Power Theft
Counting illegal aliens for apportionment purposes has enormous impacts on the Electoral College. When illegal aliens are counted for political districts—even when states don't want to count them but simply don't know where they are—it gives disproportionate voting power to some citizens over others.
Most of the illegal population lives in big cities and their suburbs. As a result of the 2020 census, voting power for Congress has been disproportionately shifted to these urban areas through both differential privacy and the counting of illegal alien populations. Rural communities are being deprived of their electoral power in congressional districts, state house districts, and state senate districts.
The bottom line: red rural districts are massively underrepresented in current congressional maps. Miller argues there is a massive constitutional problem with the way census data has been distributed to states for both apportionment and redistricting purposes.
A Mission for DOGE: Fixing the Census
Kirk asks Miller how he would deploy the "super geniuses" of DOGE (Department of Government Efficiency) to solve this problem. Miller outlines a clear action plan requiring coordination between DOGE and Howard Lutnick, who oversees the Commerce Department and therefore the Census Bureau.
First, remove the top two or three bureaucrats at the Census Bureau who are holdovers from the Obama administration and not aligned with the President's vision. Second, bring in people who have done extensive census work and know where the problems are buried. These experts should work with the DOGE team to immediately correct the differential privacy problem that masks and moves data around.
While the extent of corruption is speculative—it could be small or enormous—the fact that corruption exists in the data is inherent in the current process. Miller refuses to concede it's not substantial, given all the scandals and weaponization of government agencies.
The DOGE team's programming experts could quickly fix these problems. However, Miller emphasizes an urgent concern: the Commerce Department must immediately send a letter to the Census Bureau requiring them to retain all records related to this work. He doesn't want bureaucrats covering their tracks by deleting text messages and other evidence of what they've done with differential privacy.
Legal Pathways and Congressional Action
Miller believes the administration figured out much of this problem toward the end of Trump's first term but ran into regulatory hurdles and Administrative Procedures Act issues. Now they have enough runway and know what needs to be done.
The administration has the legal, constitutional, and statutory basis to fix the census problems and correct the numbers. To get maximum benefit, Congress could implement minor reforms outlined in Miller's paper that would make the process easier and allow the administration to avoid the full APA process on future corrections.
The 2030 census cycle must be fully corrected to account for all these issues. But republishing the 2020 census—which Miller insists is completely legal despite what the left will claim—is justified by the sheer amount of miscounts, overcounts, undercounts, the corruption of differential privacy, and the counting of illegals for political district creation. None of this should be permissible, yet that's exactly what Obama bureaucrats implemented in the 2020 census.
Texas: The Worst Offender
When Kirk asks which state was most wildly inaccurate, Miller identifies Texas as the state undercounted by the largest margin. This creates an important pattern: nearly all census errors the Bureau admitted to went to the benefit of Democrats and the detriment of Republicans.
Miller acknowledges this could theoretically be chance, but given the totality of circumstances, he believes the assumption should be that something nefarious occurred. If that's the case, people should be held responsible.
What We Learned from 2024 Election Data
President Trump posted on Truth Social about what was learned from 2024 election data. Miller explains this refers to several revelations: illegal aliens were counted, massive undercounts and overcounts occurred (which the Census Bureau publicly admitted in 2021), and differential privacy is masking data in ways that even other federal agencies cannot access.
Another dimension of this problem affects municipalities across the country. Many cities and counties are suing the federal government because census undercounts resulted in them receiving less federal grant money and fewer federal funds than they're entitled to.
Time to Play Hardball
Kirk concludes by emphasizing it's time to play hardball. This means redoing the census, republishing the census, and confronting the obvious fraud. Minnesota gained an extra electoral vote by 26 people—a result that is, in Kirk's words, "obviously fraudulent."
The census corruption represents a systematic theft of representation from rural America and red states, enabled by secretive algorithms, Obama-era bureaucrats, and the counting of illegal aliens. The Trump administration has both the constitutional authority and the moral imperative to correct these injustices and restore honest representation to the American people.
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