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Joe Biden Recordings Reveal Internal White House Tensions Over Economic Policy and Presidential Campaign Strategy
Joe Biden released recording captures insights into his 2016 presidential considerations, disagreements with Barack Obama's economic team over prosecuting bankers and housing policy, and complex international energy negotiations involving Ukraine, Russia, Turkey, and Brazil. Biden discusses his frustrations with Obama's reluctance to impose sanctions on China for intellectual property theft and reflects on Ron Klain's loyalty shift to Hillary Clinton's campaign. These revelations expose the behind-the-scenes tensions that shaped critical policy decisions during Obama's second term.
Presidential Campaign Deliberations and Internal Conflicts
Throughout late 2014 and early 2015, Joe Biden was deeply engaged in discussions about a potential 2016 presidential run. His advisors, particularly Ron Klain and Mike Donilon, were developing campaign strategies while Biden wrestled with the decision of whether to commit fully to a race against Hillary Clinton and other Democratic contenders.
Biden describes how Ron Klain initially encouraged him to run aggressively, suggesting he deliver a major speech defending Obama's record while simultaneously criticizing Democratic rivals, including Clinton, who were distancing themselves from the administration. The strategy was to "throw thumbtacks in their path" by framing the economic debate in a way that would box in other candidates while positioning Biden as the authentic voice of the middle class.
However, Biden expresses deep disappointment with Klain's eventual shift of loyalty to Clinton's campaign. While Biden understood the political calculus—Klain likely concluded Biden wouldn't ultimately run and didn't want to miss his opportunity with the presumed next administration—he still felt betrayed. Biden notes that Steve Ricchetti and Mike Donilon had similar opportunities but remained loyal throughout.
Disagreements with Obama's Economic Team
Biden reveals significant tensions with President Obama and his economic advisors over how to handle Wall Street accountability following the 2008 financial crisis. Biden wanted aggressive prosecution of bankers and believed the administration should have done much more on housing relief for struggling homeowners.
He recounts receiving briefings from Obama's economic team that dismissed his concerns, with advisors telling him he "didn't understand" that the new middle class consisted of "greedy bastards" who took out risky loans because "they wanted a fifth bedroom, a swimming pool, a place at the beach."
Biden believed the administration's reluctance to prosecute bankers stemmed from Obama's connections to Silicon Valley and Wall Street supporters, particularly Jamie Dimon, who Biden says "should have gone to jail." He notes that Dimon was "always part of that team of advisers" despite being an architect of ending Glass-Steagall protections.
Biden found allies in economic advisors Alan Krueger and Austan Goolsbee, who shared his concerns. He also mentions that Larry Summers eventually came to him admitting he "was wrong about the housing piece" and that the administration "should have been much more aggressive."
International Energy Negotiations
Biden describes complex diplomatic efforts involving Ukraine, Russia, Turkey, Israel, Cyprus, and other nations over natural gas pipelines and energy security. These negotiations became increasingly urgent as Russia threatened to bypass Ukraine entirely with the proposed South Stream pipeline through Turkey.
Biden worked to convince Turkey to partner with Cyprus on newly discovered gas reserves in the eastern Mediterranean rather than accepting Russia's South Stream proposal. The strategy would have made Turkey an energy hub while supporting Ukrainian energy independence and providing Israel with export routes for its gas discoveries.
He explains that Russia owed Ukraine approximately $3.6 billion in back energy costs and was using energy as a political weapon. Biden pushed other countries to engage in "reverse flow" of their pipelines to supply Ukraine and worked with the IMF to reform Ukraine's energy subsidy system, which was subsidizing consumer energy costs by 81%.
Biden also discusses parallel negotiations involving the proposed Arab pipeline that would connect Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan, as well as deals between Israel and Jordan worth $4.8 billion for pipeline infrastructure and $14 billion over ten years for offshore Israeli gas.
Diplomacy with Brazil
Biden traveled to Brazil for President Dilma Rousseff's inauguration, bringing Treasury Secretary Jack Lew and Commerce Secretary Penny Pritzker to establish working groups on economic cooperation, education, science and technology, defense, and people-to-people exchanges.
He describes Brazil's interest in joining the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the challenges this presented, given Brazil's protective market policies, high tariffs, complex tax system, and reliance on localization requirements. Biden set up a US-Brazil CEO forum and scheduled ministerial meetings to address issues including intellectual property, state-owned enterprises, investment, financial services, market access, and government procurement.
The visit was significant for Rousseff politically, helping her credibility with Brazil's business community during a period of economic uncertainty.
Frustrations with China Policy
Biden expresses deep frustration with what he saw as the administration's weak response to Chinese violations of international trade rules and intellectual property theft. He specifically cites China's theft of solar technology from American companies, which allowed them to dominate the solar market.
Biden believed the United States had far more economic leverage than China and should have been willing to threaten economic cooperation over issues like China's activities in the South China Sea, including building artificial islands and establishing air identification zones.
He describes his arguments to Obama that sanctions on Chinese steel and enforcement of intellectual property protections would hurt China's economy far more than America's, despite concerns about Chinese retaliation against American companies operating in China.
Biden reflects: "I think we always underestimate our power as a nation. I think we always underestimate our leverage, including the backup possibility of military power." He notes that every time he met with Chinese leaders, he would emphasize: "You want to compete fairly, you want a different relationship, we got it. It can be new, but it's got to be by rules."
Middle Class Focus as Campaign Strategy
Mike Donilon's primary argument for why Biden should run centered on authenticity and the middle class. Donilon maintained that regardless of how the race developed, it would ultimately be about the middle class, and Biden was "the single most authentic person in United States politics" who could speak to middle-class concerns.
Biden developed messaging that would defend Obama's record while pivoting to a forward-looking middle-class agenda. His spontaneous phrase that "everything has landed on this man's desk except locusts" captured his approach to defending Obama while acknowledging more needed to be done.
However, Biden acknowledges he wasn't fully focused at the time on how rapidly the economy was changing through digitalization, artificial intelligence, and automation—what would become known as the Fourth Industrial Revolution. He believed manufacturing could return to America and that he could build a campaign around restoring middle-class economic security.
TPP and Trade Policy Views
Biden supported the Trans-Pacific Partnership primarily as a foreign policy tool rather than purely as an economic agreement. He believed the administration "did not negotiate tough enough on TPP" and that the agreement could have done more to protect American workers.
He saw TPP as essential for maintaining American influence in Asia, particularly as a counterweight to Chinese economic expansion. However, he thought the administration could have been tougher in negotiations to secure better terms for American workers while still achieving the foreign policy objectives.
Video Transcript
In the meantime,
what was happening, I got a call
from Dilma Rouso
that she wanted me to come to her
inauguration
and uh this is before she imploded. I
know we're not going to write a lot
about her, but it's a context.
>> Yeah. You were in St. Croy, right, when
you went for
>> Yeah. And so, but I got the invitation
earlier.
>> Okay.
Um and uh so I had been working like
hell to overcome the Snowden stuff,
>> right?
>> And uh we
started to actually
make some real comments.
If you'll make a note, my book, if you
make a note, I will too.
Where when did she use the phrase
um we're not married yet when we're
dating?
>> Oh yeah, seductive. Uh
>> it relates to um timing.
>> Okay.
>> I actually have that uh
clip in my laptop.
>> Okay. Well, um I'm trying to remember
when it was, you know,
>> so
because
it um
it'll sort of give me a
point counterpoint
piece of
what was going on.
Um
and uh
so uh
we were uh
[sighs]
so I'd been working that hard.
>> I can't believe you made that trip. I
didn't realize till I looked at the
schedule. You made that trip in a day.
All right.
Um
and uh
uh
um
so she made the comment
uh
uh at a dinner just before the World Cup
last year. So that would have been in
World Cup probably summer of 2014. So
she'd already said that.
>> Yeah.
>> Yeah.
>> Um
so uh [snorts]
I've been working it real hard. Um
and uh the other thing
um
uh
I was through the month of of November
working real hard
on um
uh
the uh
had we passed ACA? We had had we uh um
Uh
that looks like 13 2013.
>> Yeah, this is 13. Um
1104.
Okay.
Um
>> so that's still a year too early for 15.
I think in here
>> actually
>> there's 115.
>> Yeah. Um
uh
Okay, this is November 14. Just get my
Okay.
Um, I was working a lot with Ukraine
and with
Mhm. Energy energy guy right
>> energy um and um
uh
and it was about uh whether or not they
were going to cut off oil
and about what u how Ukraine had to um
change their oil subsidy to a market
system.
Um, here's what I meant in my car. I
still do it.
>> Oh.
>> Um, and um, so, uh,
um, in order to get IMF loans,
they had to move more to a market
economy because they were way way off
um, and had to deal with corruption in
the energy sector.
So um uh and they owe Russia um uh about
3
um6 billion dollar [snorts]
um and uh in back energy cost
>> natural it was natural gas selling into
>> there was some oil too. Okay, some coal
but it was mainly gas. Okay. And uh what
I was working really hard on was getting
other countries to engage in reverse
flow of their pipeline so they could
flow to Ukraine.
>> Um and uh um uh and the IMF was the
subsidy they were subsidizing the cost
of energy 81%.
This is over and above the loans.
>> Back up. The Ukrainian government
>> Mhm.
>> was having Ukrainian people
pay so little for the gas they were
getting. They were subsidized to the
tune of 81% the people.
>> Okay.
>> Not the government, the people.
And um so for example, you'd ride
through rural parts of Ukraine.
>> Mhm. and it'd be 12, 15, 20° and the
windows are wide open in their homes for
real. Um, so, uh, IMF said they had to
they had to phase in a government
tariff.
Um, but the gas deal they had, they had
no real European assistance, asurances
that they would they they'd be part of
the deal.
Um and uh um
uh and then um on the 26 and 14 um
uh
uh we're talking about um uh
back in talking about uh ISIL
um uh increasing uh pressure on Assad.
[clears throat] Um
and we had I had a discussion of the
Turks. John Allen, General Allen was
going to go see
details not that important. Okay.
>> Okay.
>> Um and uh I had uh Davatollo who was
then the prime minister.
Um
uh
and uh I um um and President Erdogan I
tried to uh
expand on the eight points. What were
the eight points? I can't remember.
And
>> having been burned by Libya, right?
Yeah.
>> Okay.
Uh um uh
uh
with Yeah. with the
>> Okay. Um uh
>> as so as they started grabbing land,
they were grabbing.
>> Yeah, that was a big argument.
>> Did they send the speeches to
>> All right.
Um, what was I going to ask you
something else? Uh, um,
oh gosh,
I I can't think what it is. Thanks.
Something number something quality.
>> Yeah,
>> I can't.
>> Some of this may be classified for what?
>> Okay.
>> I'm not sure. Right. It's not more
classified, but
>> interesting. That date is 11:2614.
>> Yeah.
>> And uh that's a day you were in
Nantucket.
So do you um do you get like fed into a
situation room meeting?
>> Yeah. They set up a secure
>> Okay. So actually in in the Thanksgiving
trip you were at
>> the way on the 26th I had a long call
with U Arseni Yatsenyuk. [snorts]
Um he told me they'd formed a
government. They agreed on a new speaker
and an agenda.
He said I'm quote keeping my commitment
to you
that you asked me to do on our ride to
the airport. Remember I talked about the
ride to the airport?
>> Yeah. Um, I thanked him for following
through
>> and that was about
>> that was corruption and
>> that was about no that was specifically
about sticking with um uh um Por Shenko.
>> Okay.
>> And not calling for elections and not
campaigning separately campaigning
together.
>> Right. So they had so they had formed
this essentially coalition government.
Yeah. Okay. And um uh
and then on the u
>> and that's the day and that was also
reported the day after that that's when
they announced they were
doing away with um that the old neutral
policy and heading toward EU.
>> Yeah, that could be. That wasn't what I
asked him, but that's what
>> but that's all. Um and then on the 2nd
of December
um um
we had it discussion about Turkey and
the Russian pipeline with Hawkstein at
11:45. What was going on was the
Russians were now there they they were
kind of bribed the Turks with what they
call Southream. Okay.
>> That all the all the oil coming out of
Russia would come down through
uh the Caspian and into Turkey and use
that as a hub.
>> Um and uh um it would come from the
eastern
um uh it would it would uh come from
from Azerbaijan.
Um, Amos called the Turkish minister
uh to uh um
uh to uh see if this was the deal
because it would have real impact on
whether or not we could get a deal with
Cyprus.
>> Mhm.
>> Cypress and Israel had found these
caches of oil. I mean gas, natural gas.
What I was trying to work is an
agreement whereby
they the oxy and I were trying to work
with the Turks to say okay why don't you
make a deal with Cyprus
>> okay
>> get a unity government there in Cyprus
and the end result will be you'll have
access to all that gas
they'll the gas will go to you'll be
secure and you will be a conduit into
Greece and the rest of the world that's
what was being discussed
Now
>> that's completely separate from the
question of Ukraine's national
>> completely se but they all are tied.
>> Yeah because it's there's one market.
there's one market. And so what happens
is what they're worried about is if
Russia
instead of going through Ukraine came
down through Turkey, Azerbaijan, it
would cost the uh the Ukrainians 10
billion dollars a year and lost revenue.
Okay.
>> Okay.
>> Um and a secure access to gas.
Um and but the Turks had to get the
Russians had to get their gas east.
>> So they came up with Southstream to go
below Ukraine, cut them out,
>> right?
>> At the same time, this that's all all
energy is fungeible. At the same time
what was going on is that um Russia I
mean uh um Israel had found this new gas
supplies in their territory
as had Greece. Now Greece Turkey was
arguing that Greece I mean excuse me as
as did Cyprus. Turkey was arguing that
it wasn't criate gas, but under the UN
resolution, it is within C Cypress's
um geographic boundaries and border and
>> and so and they were threatening to send
ships in to block the exploration and
the rest. So what had had underway, it
looked promising till the Russians came
along to try to it up was to say,
"Look, work out a deal. Let let the
Turks
and the Greeks on Cyprus work out a deal
which you end up pulling out off the
island over time. A unified government
by communal byzonal.
They can then cut a deal with you
because they're part of the EU. they can
cut a deal with you to get all the gas
you want because it's illogical to go up
north to supply Europe through Turkey,
>> right?
>> Okay. And so in a long and and and the
UR and the uh so for the Turks that was
like, God, that's great. me, you
know, we we're we're going to be a major
player again. We'll have energy.
>> And then the Russians come along and
say, no, no, no, no, no, no.
We'll we'll make you the hub.
>> All the Russian gas instead of going
through Ukraine will come down through
you. It was called South Stream.
>> Okay.
>> Um
>> and and the the Russian reserves, the
Russian gas is much more than what they
were going to be able to pull out of
Cypress likely.
>> No, not really.
>> Oh, really?
>> There's a lot of gas.
>> Um but there'll be plenty from Cyprus.
But what what it was was Russia had no
other way to get their gas
>> right
>> uh to Europe. So um and uh um so call
um the Turkish administers to say hey
have you guys made a deal? Um
they roped a dope and said not yet they
haven't. and I put then Jordan if we
allowed the deal
um to go through in the eastern
Mediterranean
um that'd be $4.8 billion would go
forward with Israel. Um the the meetings
went well. This is a case where Jordan
is looking to Israel now and saying,
"Hey, look, we we we need gas. We need
oil. And it's really easy to connect a
pipeline right through Israel. The cost
of that pipeline be $4.8 billion
dollars. And um in 2012, the Sinai
pipeline to Israel and Jordan uh was
bombed and it's been out 10 months uh um
uh um uh there had been uh let me see
this about the timing the final deal$ 14
billion dollars over the next 10 years
of offshore um Israeli gas. So uh uh and
uh and this would also uh
I I remember this um there there was a
big discussion earlier that there would
be uh oil in the Dead Sea. Um um
uh and uh
um and so and Syria was trying to get in
the game too. Um
uh and uh
so uh the question was whether or not
this had been an Arab pipeline
whether or not the Israeli gas had gone
an Arab pipeline which included um
here's what we need to do which included
uh Egypt. So there was an Arab pipeline
that had been had been envisioned. Um
um
and uh
and so uh um
what uh
uh
this whole idea was um Um
so the Arab pipeline was this was idea
that there was talk of going
instead of the the option was that the
Greeks would sell the oil would well I
mean excuse me the criates would build a
pipeline down to Egypt.
>> Okay. and Egypt would go under the Red
Sea, tie into existing pipelines, and
tie Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and Egypt
together in what they called we're going
to call the uh the Arab pipeline.
>> Okay.
>> Um and uh and uh at the same time this
was going on um uh on the second um was
I back in the second? Yeah, back at
>> I didn't think they were doing nearly
enough and uh they should have uh been
able to uh um put in all the we we we've
been through this. We know how to handle
>> domestic violence, but it's like the
universities, they all start like we
hadn't learned anything. We haven't set
anything up,
>> right? So it's a whole new institution
and they will institution and I argued
that uh
>> um they should be able to go beyond the
command. In other words, the commanding
general should be but I lost that. Um
um then uh uh then we went back to
Brazil and there was whole focus of
report by Jack Lou about uh Brazil's
economy. um Pritsker had just been down
there and again you don't want to get
into it but this whole big thing about
what was going to happen to Brazil's
economy and Brazil's exports um and uh
um the basic problems in Brazil weak
education reform and through
use GTP uh um dialogues and working
group we had set up um this was now I
have 115 written for this Okay.
>> Um, this was my brief to going down to
uh with and I brought Lou and company
with me um to uh uh set up a working
groups with uh after her. But what I did
was I um uh I argued that um that uh we
should before her inauguration and after
we did meet, we should set up working
groups on the economy.
Um and uh education, a whole range of
other things. Um and so uh Pritchard was
Pritskar was with me, so was Jack Lou.
um uh and we talked about why we should
become better trade partners. We talked
about uh macroeconomic policy to discuss
structural um uh uh structural uh and
financial sector measures uh um um trade
and investment etc. Um
and so uh uh Prrisker set up a US Brazil
CEO forum
um uh talking about TPP and TTIP
um and uh work beyond measur
that is the economic um that's like the
EU for southern uh
>> uh um um we talked about commercial
relationships Um
um and we talked about foreign direct
investment and all these issues
uh education
and then um
uh we set up dialogues in a working
group on the economy and commercial
relations
um with the secretary of treasury,
science and technology innovation with
the secretary of energy, bilateral
regional and global issues with
secretary of state defense defense and
security with the Secretary of Defense,
people-to-people with the State
Department, public diplomacy and other
exchanges.
And then we discussed they wanted to
become part of TPP.
>> Um
>> um uh re uh um
remaining focus is in oh for for them to
become part of it they had to deal with
international
in intellectual property environment
stateowned enterprises
investment and financial services.
um uh bilaterally they were on deal talk
about market access and uh between us
and agricultural in terms of government
procurement.
The next round the you would be in the
US on the 26th to the 1st of February
26th of of January January.
The finest min the final ministerial
meeting for us to decide whether we
would they could be part of TP was going
to be March 6 to 8th with Japan. Um
uh um uh
uh the uh
they were hardening their position on
automobiles
and um uh
we're we we're prepared to spend a new
a new proposal on autos. Brazil, one of
the most protective markets in the
world. High tariffs,
complex tax system, regulatory regimes,
reliance on localization measures mean
you got to buy and sell local in the
market. Okay.
>> Industrial policy etc. and went through
all the problems. Objective was restart
all the dialogues including the CEO
dialogue and the presidential dialogues
and the CEO dialogue. reason she is
meeting with me and doing this, it helps
her politics with the business
community. Uh and uh um uh and until now
their deliberal was her uh her just
showing up. Um
uh the uh lingering issues were the uh
defense cooperation agreement uh more
interaction between our militaries
general secretary of the military uh uh
information agreement shared technical
classified information open skies for
civil aviation and peaceful use of space
they're all being discussed
now on the sixth
I'm opening up the uh Mexico where I'm
on the 6th.
This is really a busy time. Um
okay, this one opened up the uh the
Mexico high level dialogue.
>> U met with Penetto. This is in
Washington.
Um,
and I broke off at 11:45 because I had
to uh swear in the new Senate.
>> Okay.
>> On the 6th. Um,
and then uh I also that day
I went to it was a big deal to him. I
went to the unveiling of the portrait of
Representative
>> Conjurs
>> in the uh um so
that's what I did the next day. Um
uh
next day the thing I did a whole lot but
it was basically uh um
there was a principal committee meeting
in the the SEC but I did uh I swore in
Mark Gilbert who had been helpful on our
campaigns ambassador to Australia
Um
I mean to New Zealand, New Zealand. Um
and I did some other swearing ins the
next day. Um now this is new Congress
and I was also the [clears throat] point
man with uh with the Congress. So Kevin
McCarthy wanted to meet with me
privately. Um and uh and and we did that
afternoon. I believe we got at the Naval
Observatory.
Um
and uh
and then I I dropped by later that night
at uh the United uh the UFCW commercial
workers, food and commercial workers,
Joe Hansen. I drop by reception they
had. Um
and again now um the next day
um
I went to um
I went down to San Antonio. I went to
Knoxville, Tennessee and Clinton,
Tennessee in San Antonio, Texas.
And what was I doing? I spoke at a
community college in uh to 450 people
in uh
Pellissippi State Community College.
Then uh
that wasn't the Techmer trip, was it?
[snorts] It may have been wheels up.
I then was at um
went to San Diego.
Uh
um
from 6:40 to 7:40 remarks at the student
veterans of America of America
convention. I spoke
So again back to the large picture
>> during this period I was doing a lot of
stuff on Mexico
and um
and with the high level dialogues um uh
uh and trying to work out energy and uh
um uh
and connectivity uh um Uh
um
and then
>> can can we back up for a second to the
5th of January? And uh yeah, and can we
spend some time on
>> that
that
I had all those
presidential notes.
Um,
we have I know you gave me this much
from the um
>> actually separate from presidential.
>> I wonder where those
>> do you have separate notebooks of the
>> Yeah.
every after every
lunch,
>> I would dictate to
um I would dictate to I'd call in uh
>> Mhm.
>> and I'd dictate to her what the lunch
was about.
Um and uh
you call her um
um
I had all those at the house in a safe.
I don't know what we they made me do
with them. Um but um what I'd do, I'd
make up a card,
>> one of those little cards of mine before
I'd have lunch. I'd meet with Steve and
anything anybody thought I should be
bringing up that on our agenda and then
um and I'd come back and I'd dictate
notes to
>> okay
>> as to uh um what actually transpired at
the lunch.
So this is um
I must have met
with clay.
Only thing I saw possible that day was
the um maybe the the early morning um at
the at navs or something.
Oh, did I
at on the 4th.
at 2:00.
>> Mhm.
I think I spoke at I went to
So I think I went to that memorial
service in Wilmington.
Um uh says
December the 4th, but I don't I don't
know what this means. memorial service
gets names really up. So it says
uh memorial service for
I don't think her name was I forget.
So I got to make a note of that too. But
any rate, um, back to, uh, um, there was
I had a meeting with Ron Clay
and I don't know when, um,
uh,
During this period,
remember we talked about it earlier,
we're focusing on what we're doing
substantively, but during this period,
um
we uh uh
there was a lot of discussion and
mounting pressure from my own team that
I announce
>> right
>> and that I couldn't that I couldn't
delay it much longer and Ron Clay was
making the case how I would run because
I was arguing that and it was true that
uh there was disappointment
on the part of Democrats in Barack's not
being more aggressive about a lot of
things
>> and Hillary was criticizing him. she was
out by now. Um, and others were
criticizing him. And this is where this
came in. Ron's advice was that um um I
should actually do a speech to put all
of them on he said scatter tax in their
path
>> by talking about what we've done be much
more aggressive about uh um uh um um
while they're talking about how much
they changed their approach to the
economy from Obama.
Um he said uh here here's why they're
they're wrong. Um he said the speech
topic suggests he said aggressively
defend the president. Throw thumbtacks
in their path. Frame the box for the
others who are running one they can't
get out of. This will allow me to find
the middle class. Define the middle
class. So challenge uh without naming
Hillary or others
>> and uh it will challenge the Democratic
critics of Hillary. Oh, excuse me.
Critics, including Hillary. In other
words, make the case for Obama. Uh look,
make the case that basically says, I'll
take the blame for every mistake we made
as long as you give me all the credit,
too. Um and we did a great job
challenged Democratic critics, including
Hillary. The other piece of that was we
had decided and Mike's idea was and Ron
was still loyal in those days was uh um
was to say because he came in to see me
and I took extensive notes. I don't know
where the hell they are. Um uh the um uh
that uh Mike's idea was look this is
what we've done and I'm proud of it and
I'll take credit for it if you I'll take
blame and credit but this is what I'm
going to do from here
>> right
>> instead of going after what he we didn't
do
>> right
>> and what they were doing other say well
you know if I were Barack I would have
done more in the economy well I was a
really lonely voice on housing And I was
a lonely voice on the middle class. I
mean, I thought we should be much more
aggressive in putting these guys in jail
and the bankers. I mean, for real.
>> Um, it wasn't idle. I mean, he used to
really get pissed at me. Um, and I tried
I stopped doing
>> Rock used to get pissed.
>> Oh, yeah. Really pissed
>> because I think the reason he didn't do
it was I think he does buy this argument
of the moral hazard. You know, like you
went out and took a risk. Right.
>> I remember getting a briefing from uh
from his economic team saying to me that
I didn't understand this is not
>> this is not the middle class of of World
War post World War II. These are all
greedy bastards who all went out and
borrowed money in these on these crazy
cockami loans because they wanted a
fifth bedroom. They wanted a swimming
pool. They wanted a place at the beach.
You know, that's what the new
middle class was that and they're part
of it. The millennials. That's what they
>> um anyway that was the constant fight
with me. Clay was on my side when he was
there. Um and my whole team was always I
I I had the team that said including
>> the two guys who I think were with me
were um um oh god the guy at Princeton
now um economist uh good guy uh was our
our uh chief economic advisor not
Kaufman um I think of his name and the
guy back out the University of Chicago
um with a funny name. I think
>> Goulsby is one.
>> Goulby.
>> Yeah, Goulsby is in Chicago.
>> And the other guys at Princeton should
write the name down. I keep forgetting.
>> Is it uh Allen Krueger?
>> Alan Krueger. Great guy by the way and a
big fan, a big supporter. So um
so we we were on the same team along
with um uh you know uh you know my team
my my internal staff but it was
constant. I think the reason why we
didn't do more by the way is because I
think that it was harsh thing to say but
I think subconscious at least uh um uh
Barack and his guys were beholden to
Silicon Valley
>> right
>> and the valley guys didn't want this
that you know I wanted to you know
>> they want free rain out there.
>> Yeah. And the other thing was that there
was a um a guy who was a big Barack
supporter early on is Jamie Diamond.
>> Yeah.
>> And Jamie Diamond was uh part of people
should have gone out of jail. But
>> well Jamie Diamond is the architect of
the Clinton, you know, let's end um
>> Yeah.
>> Uh Glasssteagall.
>> Yeah.
>> He's the whole game, right?
>> Yeah. And so uh so there was Jamie
Diamond
>> and he was and he was always part of
that that team right of advisers and
outside advisers that had
>> Yeah. And um so you know even though we
weren't quote
tied to Wall Street bankers, we were
pretty well tied to Wall Street bankers.
>> Right.
>> Right.
>> Um so
>> and Summers was always
>> and Summers came to me said he was wrong
after we got Yeah. came. He says, "I was
wrong about the housing piece. I should
have been more much more aggressive. We
should have given more leeway. We should
have which was really something else."
And he when he came to me, and I'll get
the date, remind me when did Summers
come to me to have lunch, which uh it
was when I was thinking about running.
>> Okay.
>> Um
>> because Summers is not a guy who's known
for admitting to mistakes.
>> No. No.
Well, it is that um also the um
>> here's what happened before I forget.
Don't mind my train of thought.
Um he also pledged he support me in
2016.
Summers.
>> Yeah. Now, part of the reason for that
was
Barack had promised him the Fed and I
thought he should have appointed him to
the Fed.
and Barack backed off the agreement,
backed off that promise, Larry, and it
really, really pissed Larry off. He was
going to be appointed to the Fed
>> because Larry was not was too
>> too much of a
>> liability.
>> It was, you know, Harvard and women and
>> Yeah.
>> But it was just he just didn't.
So um
any rate so the context
uh no tell them another 10 minutes.
>> Okay.
>> Um tell them 15 minutes so I'll I'll
have a chance to read.
>> Um
so um you tell them I'm in meeting.
Okay. still
um
uh so um
anyway so the issue was this is all you
know all this is happen simultaneously
the issue was about running for
president which is still very present in
everything we're doing you know I mean
um it was that uh um we uh uh um how
would I handle the fact that I disagreed
with him.
>> Right.
>> Well, the and Ron was he's very good,
but uh I'm so disappointed he was so
disloyal. That was such a really hurt my
feeling. I mean, it just disappointed
about him.
>> Yeah.
>> I don't think he's happy.
>> I know he knows better,
>> right?
>> I know he you know, like even that email
that got exposed, remember?
>> Yeah. I It didn't I couldn't quite
understand what he was saying. What he
was saying was I can't continue to play
this double role.
>> Yeah.
>> Because he had he had he's now he's
talking me out of running. He went from
go go go go.
>> He's still being invited to our
meetings. He's going I don't know. I
don't know. Maybe a little late. While
at the same time already
>> Hillary debate. Yeah.
>> And uh now here's what I think happened.
I think what happened was I think Ron
knowing me concluded that I wouldn't go
>> and that if he stayed with me that he
would lose his chance
>> right
>> to be part of this new administration
which he wanted and but I still think he
thought I would have been better but he
knew that I
>> right
>> and would probably end up not doing it
and he'd be left hanging
>> so instead of having the nerve to come
to me and say, "Look, I want to be
involved. I'm loyal to you, but I don't
think you're going to do it. If you can
tell me you're going to do it now, I'll
stay."
>> Right?
>> But if you can't, I I have to take
advantage of this opportunity,
>> which is what I would have done. You
would have done to me,
>> he didn't have the courage to do it,
>> right?
Right.
>> Steve had the same opportunities. Mike
had a similar opportunities, you know,
but they didn't do that. They stayed.
>> Right.
>> So, I get No, I don't try to sell them
on giving cutting him any slack, you
know, because they stuck [clears throat]
it out. Yeah.
>> Um so anyway, that was the context of
this how would I run and um and so the
discussions that uh uh revolved around
what the strategy would be if I didn't
run.
>> Mhm.
>> You with me?
>> Yep.
>> Uh and it was less at that point was I
going to announce at that time. It was
more at that point how was I going to
run?
>> Right. So, what I was saying to these
guys, looking back on it, what I was
saying to them was, "Look, guys, I don't
know that I'm going to go, but let's
move like you're going to go, right? Put
together the plan
>> that uh that this is a really important
point. Put together the plan
>> that would allow me to win the
nomination and be elected president. But
don't What I'm not prepared to do, I'm
not prepared to ask other people to
commit,
>> right?
>> And then box themselves in." Now, I
shouldn't have thought that way. I
should should have thought, "Fuck him."
But I was worried. I didn't want as a
matter of honor
to have people do what Ron ended up
doing,
>> right?
>> Do you know what I mean?
>> I I didn't want to get them locked in
and then deciding if I didn't go then,
godamn it, I could have, you know, I
could have been a champ,
>> you know, I could have been a contender.
But the people you were talking to most
closely, Steve and Mike, they basically
knew.
>> No, they knew. And I think they, you
know, they just didn't know. And by the
way, you know, they also knew.
>> Yeah.
>> And
and um so it was and they
I Steve by the way for all his
gregariousness and hey, how you doing?
Pretty smart guy. um pretty insightful
guy. Yeah.
>> Um and I think he knew uh
>> but um but the context again throughout
this whole period was okay my decision
in my head was you want you know what
was I thinking in January,
>> right?
>> Right. But so, you know, we may be able
to do this. Um, uh, but I don't want to
get out too far that I put people out on
a limb and then it gets sought off and
they're in trouble. But the guys who are
willing, who don't have that as their
objective, just being an administration,
then let's go ahead and decide how we
will run,
>> right?
uh you know uh and all during this
period Mike's strongest argument for why
we were would run and win and it turned
out everything he wrote have you read
some of the stuff
>> talk to me about it here
>> well I got to show we got to get the
memos
um turned out to be
>> right
>> what it was including her weaknesses and
my strengths
>> the care but also the authenticity
looking for something real
>> but he said look he he kept coming back
to this one thing. This race, no matter
how you cut it, is going to be about the
middle class.
You are the single most authentic person
in the United States of American
American politics that authentically can
speak to the middle class. No one doubts
that it's anything other than who you
are. No one doubts it is something that
you have been focused on from the day
you ran for office. And you are you are
the embodiment of that. And the middle
class gets it, you know, all those folks
out there, they look at you and say,
"Yes, he knows my problem."
>> And so so how did you deal with the
middle class who were the ones being who
were the ones still being hurt
and not abandon Barack? Well, the way to
do that was to say, "Look what we did
now, man.
Let's understand. That's where I came up
with the phrase spontaneously when that
I said everything has landed on this
man's desk except locust, right?
>> And it's true.
>> And it is true. I mean what you guys
walked into the first day.
>> It was astounding.
>> And so and look what we did now. Granite
now we have to go back and from square
one began to build back the middle
class. All we did was save you basically
from depression,
>> right?
>> Save you from being all
everything go,
>> right? Um now admittedly what I wasn't
focusing on then I wasn't focusing on
while we were trying to save the economy
how rapidly the economy was changing.
>> Mhm.
>> The digitalization issue the fourth
industrial revolution. What was going I
wasn't focused on robots and artificial
intelligence and and uh um
digitalization and um Moore's law. I
mean uh it was all about and I really
believe that and I still believe it that
we could bring back the uh manufacturing
in America. I didn't think that was uh
lost. Um and uh um
and I wasn't so big on globalization. I
mean I I I I I wasn't I thought TPP the
reason I felt first of all I think we
did not negotiate tough enough on TPP
>> but secondly what I thought was I
thought with TPP
um uh we uh um uh it [snorts] was more
of a foreign policy document
>> than it was as much a foreign policy
document as an economic document. um and
that uh we could have been tougher in
terms of protecting, you know, uh uh get
getting a better deal for American
workers. And I was, for example, even in
the foreign policy piece, as recently as
the last four months we were in office,
I was arguing when it comes to China in
the South China Sea and uh air
identification zones and the islands
they're building in the South China Sea.
I argued that we had much more leverage
than China had
>> in terms of the need for economic
cooperation and that we should be
prepared to threaten economic
cooperation.
>> It's cheaper than the war and it hurts
us but it kills them.
>> My argument and one of the themes I want
to get through here in this this book as
it relates to the foreign policy
domestic side of this is that I think we
always underestimate our power as a
nation.
>> Mhm. I think we always underestimate our
power. And
>> you mean non-military power?
>> I think we always underestimate our
leverage, including
including the backup possibility of
military power. In other words, that's
not the reason. If we didn't have the
military power,
>> right,
>> to back it up, then all these other
things would have less consequence. they
were doing. But for so, for example, and
I finally convinced I thought I'd
convinced Barack that in a situation
where we were um
if if we decided that we were going to
really come down on them on steel, which
I thought we should have,
>> um that it would have a dramatically
negative impact on their economy. And if
we were decided that we would come down
on intellectual property,
>> like for example, we nailed them. They
uh they literally stole um not only a um
u um uh uh the solar market from us.
They stole the technology.
The technology
that this company had that allowed them
to produce a more profitable I mean a a
a uh a a a more um efficient right.
>> Yeah. Efficient solar power.
>> Yeah.
>> I mean they stole it. Um, and I
thought we should have sanctioned them
and made no and every time I'd meet with
she, I don't want to get off on this,
but well, every time I meet with them,
my argument would be, "Look, man, you
play by the rules. No problem. You don't
want to play by the rules, we we impose,
you know, the consequence of not paying
by the rules. We're going to compete.
You want to compete, fairy. You You want
a different relationship, we got it. It
can be new, but it's got to be by
rules." So if you don't, it's okay if
you don't play by the rules, we're going
to enforce the sanctions. Well, we never
there was always a reluctance,
>> right? There's no, you couldn't put any
teeth behind that.
>> Yeah. But there was a lot there were a
lot of teeth, but there was worry that
we would get hurt more than because what
would happen is we'd say, "We're going
to come down on solar energy." They say,
"Oh you know what they're going to
do? They're going to retaliate against
business machines."
>> Uh, you know, and god damn it, then
we're going to be in a war. Okay. Well,
so they lose the market in China for
business machines. No problem. Let them
go somewhere else. You know, they
need us. They need our market,
>> right?
>> They need us.
>> And but we're never able to. It's a
little bit like how it's always harder
to do the right thing because it always
cost you something,
>> right? it costs something and there's
always the reluctance to to you know
take the pain now even though the pain
it's you know it's it's hard two things
it's hard to prove
that
if I don't do this things are going to
get worse
>> right
>> you do it things get worse then they get
better but it's hard to prove that had
not done that they would have not gotten
better
>> right yeah nobody shown us the
alternative.
>> No, didn't have the al So, but that's
leadership,
>> right?
>> That's what leadership is.
>> You also have to make a case.
>> Yeah. No, you make the case, but lots of
times the case doesn't goes down. The
case I made, you work at a at a widget
factory and you know, I impose sanctions
and they stop buying widgets. Well, you
don't want to hear this right?
you know, made the case, you know, but
it's the only thing I mean, that's
leadership and that's what that that
was. But but Rock was always I guess
every president maybe I president I
would have not had the nerve to do it
too, but that's
>> it was always on the margins, but it
was, you know, we, you know, like I
said, and I between you and me, I mean,
Barack was always got to the right spot,
but a day late and a dollar short. I
mean, you know, it's not all the time,
but he got
>> Anyway, I I should take this call. Um,
>> one
liftoff.
Liftoff.
>> Every day, history unfolds.
>> Chance to change the lives of millions
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came into politics.
>> A decision is made. A question is asked.
A protest begins.
A missile is launched.
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A treaty is signed.
>> Change the political structures in this
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The world changes.
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>> It is not a solution.
>> We demand accountability from the
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>> Are we ready? But before the headlines,
before the debates,
before the opinions,
>> there is the moment itself,
>> the words that were spoken.
>> By 2008, we knew that Epstein was a
convicted sexual abuser. HOW WAS THAT
NOT A DEAL breaker for the president?
>> If you, Congresswoman, um, asked Bill
Clinton that,
>> the people who lived it, the images that
tell the story, because the closer you
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At AP, we believe news should begin
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