Steven (Destiny) Bonnell on Trump, Charlie Kirk's Murder, and Why Republicans Need to Condemn Violence

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Steven (Destiny) Bonnell on Trump, Charlie Kirk's Murder, and Why Republicans Need to Condemn Violence

Steven Bonnell, better known as the streamer Destiny, sat down with Times Radio to discuss the state of American politics, the murder of Charlie Kirk, and why he refuses to condemn political violence until Donald Trump does the same. From his early days defending George Bush to becoming one of the left's most controversial voices, Bonnell explains why Trump 2.0 is far more dangerous than the first administration, how figures like Stephen Miller are using the president, and why he believes Republicans have broken the norms of political discourse beyond repair. He also weighs in on the Gaza hostage release, the failures of Doge, and whether he's optimistic about the future despite writing a post-death note before his last public event.

Categories: Analysis
October 17, 2025

From Gaming to Politics: The Evolution of Destiny

Steven Bonnell grew up in a conservative Cuban household where defending George Bush and the Iraq War was standard dinner table conversation. As one of the earliest full-time streamers, he built his career in gaming before the 2016 election pulled him deeper into political commentary. The rise of Donald Trump, Bernie Sanders, and the Gamergate controversy created what he describes as a political moment in gaming that demanded better conversations.

While most gamers leaned right or maintained a "boys club" mentality resistant to feminist voices in gaming, Bonnell became one of the only left-leaning figures in that space. He faced significant pushback initially, but recognized that telling people to "not make this political" is often coded language for maintaining the status quo. Today, he identifies as solidly center-left and a strong supporter of the Democratic Party, having voted for Kamala Harris in the most recent election.

Trump 1.0 vs Trump 2.0: A More Dangerous Administration

Bonnell believes Donald Trump is "very stupid" and initially had no concept of what running a government actually meant. The first Trump cabinet, featuring figures like Rex Tillerson, were "all stars compared to the Joker squad we have now." Even Attorney General Bill Barr eventually reached his limit and resigned before January 6, unable to comply with Trump's most extreme demands.

This time around, Trump assembled a cabinet willing to break rules and norms without hesitation. While Bonnell considers Marco Rubio a "spineless hack," he could tolerate a Rubio presidency. But figures like Stephen Miller represent something far more sinister—someone Bonnell describes as genuinely evil. The best description he's heard of Rubio in this cabinet is that "Rubio is the only person in the cabinet who knows he's going to hell, and everybody else is just on some crazy" mission.

The second Trump administration benefits from tech industry support that was absent the first time around. Trump now understands he needs loyalists who will execute his vision without question, making this iteration far more effective and therefore more dangerous than his first term.

The Charlie Kirk Murder and the Asymmetry of Political Violence

Bonnell drew intense criticism for his response to Charlie Kirk's murder, particularly his refusal to unequivocally condemn the violence until Trump does the same. He appeared on Piers Morgan defending this position, arguing that norms require both sides to agree. If one person shows up to a fistfight with a weapon, the other person cannot unilaterally "turn down the temperature."

He points out that Republicans consistently refuse to disavow violence on their side. When Trump appeared on Fox and Friends after Kirk's death, he characterized right-wing violence as "righteous" while calling left-wing activists criminals. Trump has told audiences he'd pay legal fees for those who beat up protesters, made references to shooting Liz Cheney, and suggested "Second Amendment guys" could do something about Hillary Clinton.

The shooter appeared to be a young Mormon man whose Facebook feed was reportedly filled with MAGA Trump content. Yet when a man drove his truck into a Mormon church and shot it up—with two flags in the back of his truck—the incident disappeared from news coverage within a day. Bonnell sees this as evidence that conservatives "haven't experienced" violence the way they romanticize it, similar to how Americans might romanticize civil war while Ukrainians or Palestinians who've lived through it would never do the same.

Erica Kirk and the Weaponization of Grief

Bonnell acknowledges that Erica Kirk's behavior immediately following her husband's death struck him as "cringe" and "weird," though he initially tried to allow for some latitude given the unimaginable loss. However, when fundraising texts featuring pictures of Charlie and Erica went out just two days after his death, raising $8 million for TPUSA and her family, she became fair game for criticism in his view.

He applies what he calls "the rule of the internet"—if someone brings a fight to a certain level, that becomes the permissible level to fight at. When conservatives began using Erica Kirk as a fundraising weapon and a cudgel to accuse Democrats of being violent and crazy, Bonnell felt justified in critiquing how they were running the operation. Charlie Kirk's memorial service, which featured sparklers and felt more like a political rally or "pro wrestling event," exemplified this weaponization.

The Coarsening of Discourse and Who Bears Responsibility

When challenged about descending to Trump's level by refusing to condemn violence, Bonnell insists his position is fundamentally different. He's not matching Trump's rhetoric—he's demanding that everyone commit to de-escalation together. He has stated multiple times, including on Piers Morgan's show, that political violence is wrong and that he doesn't want to be killed at his own speaking events.

The issue, as he sees it, is that both sides are not the same when it comes to messaging. He cannot recall any shooter claiming Joe Biden or Hillary Clinton radicalized them. The demeanor and language of Democratic presidents differs markedly from Trump, who is known for cruel nicknames, coded language about violence, and his attempted coup on January 6.

Bonnell is tired of the cycle where "Republicans mess everything up and then the Democrats have to come in and pick up the scraps and do governance and then the Republicans come in and they go crazy again." This pattern is unsustainable, and he believes conservatives need to take responsibility for the temperature they've created.

Does the Left Share Blame for the Culture War?

When asked whether the left bears some responsibility for empowering the right by defending extreme positions on gender, sexuality, and slogans like "defund the police," Bonnell acknowledges they could do better. However, he points out that conservatives play a clever game: they make people look at the right versus what the right wants you to see as the left, rather than what Democrats actually say.

He challenges the asymmetry in how media personalities like Piers Morgan approach these discussions. They'll ask him to answer for random people on Twitter while ignoring that Donald Trump, JD Vance, Mike Johnson, Pete Hegseth, Pam Bondi, and Kash Patel are all saying "crazy things constantly." How much conversation about trans people was actually started by Joe Biden, Kamala Harris, Barack Obama, or Democratic lawmakers versus Republicans bringing it up constantly?

A YouGov poll from a few years ago found that conservatives think approximately 25% of Americans are trans, demonstrating how effective this strategy has been. When you're constantly playing defense, the best you can do is win individual battles without ever making ground. The left did pay a price for unpopular positions—Biden and Harris had to disavow BLM violence during their campaign. Meanwhile, Trump lost in 2020, didn't even admit defeat, changed nothing, and ran an even harder version of the same campaign.

Trump, Netanyahu, and the Gaza Hostage Release

On the day of the interview, hostages were being returned from Gaza, prompting questions about whether Trump deserves credit. Bonnell refuses to give it to him. He points out that Trump promised to end the war on day one but didn't. Netanyahu achieved a string of military victories—killing Hassan Nasrallah, eliminating Hezbollah leadership with pager explosions, taking out Hamas leaders including Haniyeh and Sinwar, and getting the United States to damage Iran's nuclear program.

After that many wins, Israel was likely ready for a deal regardless of Trump's involvement. Bonnell compares it to giving someone with a cold a Coke Zero on the fourth day and then claiming the Coke cured them. If Trump had actually solved it on day one as promised, that would be different. He'll give Trump "a gold star" if he wants one, but maintains the ceasefire is primarily the result of Israel's military position, not Trump's diplomacy.

Bonnell notes that Israelis tend to like Trump because he gives them a blank check to do whatever they want, while American Jews largely oppose him. He personally identifies as pro-Israel when speaking to Western audiences but takes left-wing positions when discussing Israel proper, making him unpopular with many Israelis. The fundamental issues—the refugee crisis affecting six million people, management of holy sites, historic neighborhoods in Jerusalem—are not things Trump knows or cares about. Trump simply wants the bombing to stop so he doesn't have to talk about it anymore and can focus on domestic projects.

Doge, Government Waste, and the Magic Money Tree

The concept of Doge finding $2 trillion in wasteful government spending strikes Bonnell as delusional, equivalent to the promise of finding massive amounts of money. He observes that people drastically overestimate how much government workers make and how much waste actually exists in government budgets. This isn't where the money is—wealth concentrates in alternative media, entertainment, and corporate sectors, not government salaries.

When the UK's Reform Party announced plans to implement Doge strategies in local councils, they quickly discovered the money they expected to find wasn't there. Bonnell compares the situation to an obese friend who weighs 300 pounds claiming they'll lose weight by adjusting their eating schedule rather than simply eating less. There's no shortcut—you need programmatic cuts or you need to expand your tax base. "Waste, fraud, and abuse" represents nibbling around the edges of a massive federal budget.

Americans want to believe they have Scandinavian-level taxes when they pay far less than Europeans, while simultaneously believing their services are equivalent to those in failed states. This disconnect makes honest conversations about government spending nearly impossible.

Religion, Nationalism, and the Aesthetics of Power

Bonnell observes that the right has increasingly embraced not religion itself, but the aesthetic of religion, along with the aesthetic of nationalism rather than genuine patriotism. These aesthetics are weaponized because they allow people to frame political opponents as literally evil. At Charlie Kirk's memorial service, Trump stated that while Charlie didn't want to hate their enemies, Trump does hate them—framing politics as a battle between good and evil.

This language motivates people toward extreme ends. Bonnell carefully notes that Trump's religious posturing seems performative, pointing to Trump's own statement about needing world peace to help him get into heaven. Trump has certain sayings he likes to repeat—"America's the hottest country," various catchphrases—and religious language seems to be just another rhetorical tool rather than genuine conviction.

The Future of Political Discourse and Necessary Delusions

Before attending an event called Unfuck America scheduled shortly after Charlie Kirk's murder, Bonnell seriously considered not going. As someone who does similar events and is "one of the more inflammatory people," he felt genuinely concerned for his safety. When Elon Musk and Donald Trump Jr. started tweeting at him, he decided he wouldn't be "bullied out of going."

Despite believing the probability of actually being killed was incredibly low, he wrote a short note and gave it to his manager to publish "just in case." The exercise of writing what amounted to a post-death statement forced him to confront his fundamental beliefs. He concluded that in order to do anything on a level greater than oneself, you must have fundamental optimism in the general direction or arc of human existence.

When asked if he's despairing about the future, Bonnell acknowledges it might sound corny, but he believes the general arc of history has been positive. Even when things get really bad, you have to believe in that arc—even if it's delusional—until you can't anymore, until it's all over. It's a necessary delusion, perhaps, but one required to keep fighting for something better.

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