Rob Schneider on Trump's Mandate, Hollywood's Collapse, and Why the Democrats Left America Behind

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Rob Schneider on Trump's Mandate, Hollywood's Collapse, and Why the Democrats Left America Behind

Rob Schneider pulls no punches in this wide-ranging conversation about Trump's historic comeback, the authoritarian turn of the Democratic Party, and how Hollywood became a wasteland of fear and conformity. From his early days on Saturday Night Live to his current exile from the entertainment establishment, Schneider explains why he switched parties, what went wrong with COVID policy, and why he believes Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and free speech are essential to America's future. He also reveals why California's policies drove him out, what the pharmaceutical industry doesn't want you to know, and how comedy died when you could no longer challenge power.

November 10, 2024

Trump's Historic Comeback and the Left's Fatal Overreach

Rob Schneider describes Trump's 2024 victory as "the greatest comeback in political American political history" and "a stunning rebuke for this authoritarian narcissistic crap that America's been having to deal with for the last few years." He argues that the Democratic Party went so far left that they abandoned the American people entirely.

"It's so funny that they accused Trump of being racist," Schneider notes, "when the people that helped him win were black men and Hispanics." The response from the left? These voters had "internalized whiteness" and were "the black face of white supremacy."

Schneider believes the Democrats' plan for permanent power through open borders backfired spectacularly. "They were moving people in the middle of the night, flying people around. No one's doing anything good in the middle of the night," he says. "It was for forever power. They were going to have a super majority of Democrats and there would be a choice of which Democrat do you want."

California: Where Democrats Control Every Aspect of Your Life

Having lived in California for decades, Schneider witnessed firsthand the totalitarian creep of Democratic policies. "There is not one aspect of your life that this Administration—and understand the Democrats have been in charge for 12 of the last 16 years—there literally was nothing, no part of your life" that they didn't try to control.

He describes Gavin Newsom passing a law preventing parents from being informed if their child claims to be transgender at school. "I didn't sign up to co-parent with the state of California," Schneider says. "It's my kid, my wife's kid." The situation got so bad that he developed a joke: "It's dangerous taking your kids to public school in California. In the morning you drop off a girl, in the afternoon you pick up a boy."

California also passed shoplifting laws so lenient that stores couldn't prosecute thieves, leading to one remaining Walgreens in San Francisco where "you can't live your life" because everything is locked up. Kamala Harris, who claimed to be the "law and order district attorney for California," wouldn't even back Proposition 36, which simply required prosecution for shoplifting.

The Pharmaceutical Industry's Stranglehold on America

Schneider traces his political awakening to concerns about medical freedom and Big Pharma's power. "The Mexican drug cartels make maybe 10 billion, roughly maybe on a good year 15, 20, and that goes a long way in pesos. However, the vaccine industry is $350 billion. They want to get it up to 750 billion by the end of the decade."

He explains how pharmaceutical companies have captured regulatory agencies through a revolving door between industry and government. "You could be at the head of the Merck division for vaccines and then the next thing you know you could be at the FDA and then you could leave and then go back." The FDA is funded primarily by drug application fees from the very companies it's supposed to regulate.

During COVID, Pfizer, Johnson & Johnson, Moderna, and AstraZeneca "would not go into a country unless they were given blanket immunity from liability for the harm of these drugs. So they know something's up with it."

Schneider advocates for what Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has proposed: eliminating direct-to-consumer drug advertising (only the US and New Zealand allow it) and creating firewalls between industry and regulatory agencies. "75% of all advertising—when they say 'Pfizer, the news, Anderson Cooper brought to you by Pfizer'—that's because Pfizer is paying Anderson Cooper $20 million. So that is affecting the news."

How Hollywood Became a Wasteland of Fear

Schneider's experience in Hollywood spans from Saturday Night Live in 1990 to his current status as an industry pariah. The transformation has been dramatic. "People here in Hollywood hate me. They hate me with a passion," he says. "Because in some small way, a small group of us, along with Elon Musk, Robert Kennedy, it was enough to turn this election."

The difference between then and now is fear. In the SNL days, if people complained about a sketch—like one where they put braces on 13-year-old Chelsea Clinton—"you're a crazy person to do that, to write to a TV show." Now, with social media, "it's just this, and then send. Companies and advertisers are not immune to this pressure. If they get 15 or 20 or 30 of these things, they could think it's 300, or if they get 300, they think it's 3,000 complaints."

Hollywood executives don't make decisions based on what's the best movie or TV show. "It's what can delay my inevitable firing the longest," Schneider explains. "They're all scared. The executives are scared the actors are scared, the producers, directors—they don't want any reason to not get hired."

The best comedy now comes from conservatives because "you have to go against the power base. The power base has been this illiberal liberalism." During the Trump years, late-night hosts couldn't critique Biden or make fun of his age. "You could not critique Biden. You could not make fun of Biden's age. How dare you! He is our president. He's not brain impaired until we say he's brain impaired."

The COVID Response: A Case Study in Manufactured Fear

Schneider calls COVID the "scamdemic," though he's careful to clarify what he means. "The death rate in the United States was 0.3%. That is about the same as a flu." The people who died—80% were morbidly obese with an average of 3.4 comorbidities.

A friend at the NIH told him in July 2020 that "receptor 26 looks a little sticky," suggesting the virus was manipulated through gain-of-function research. This research, shut down by Obama in the US, continued anyway in Ukraine and Wuhan, paid for by Fauci.

The measures imposed were largely invented. "The six-feet distance was just made up." The vaccine claims that "you can't get it, you can't give it, you're going to save grandma"—all false. Locking down schools "was more detrimental to people."

Trump was lied to by the CDC, Fauci, and others who said "if you don't do this, 4 million Americans are going to die and you're going to be blamed for it." The manipulation was enabled by phones creating constant fear: "Every 30 seconds like, 'Oh no, this guy's parachute didn't open and he died of COVID.'"

Immigration: Where Trump Can and Can't Deliver

Schneider supports securing the border and deporting criminals—"no one's going to argue about kicking out criminals and murderers." He also supports stopping the flow of military-age men from China, North Africa, and Syria. "I'd like to know who's coming in."

But mass deportations of families? "I'd be against it. I think there has to be a road to some sort of legal status." His wife is Mexican, and he notes that "Mexican people who come here are the hardest working. If you stop the Mexican workers here, this country will shut down."

He suggests Trump's out: "It's too expensive. I don't want to spend the money. These people are going to work and we're just going to stop the flow and the criminals are going to get out and then move on quickly."

The Power of Free Speech and Elon Musk's Twitter

Schneider credits Elon Musk's purchase of Twitter as crucial to Trump's victory. "The last bastion in tech companies for free speech is Twitter. When Elon bought Twitter for $44 billion, the Democrats knew he was going to light them up. They didn't want him to have the power, but they still took the money. They still took every penny of that 44 billion."

Free speech, he argues, isn't for protecting popular opinions. "Free speech isn't just to protect the stuff that you like. It's the ugly stuff. It's the stuff—the socially acceptable stuff doesn't need protection. It's the lies, it's the stuff that's offensive that needs protection. And then let the people decide what's the truth and what's not the truth."

He's traveled with Charlie Kirk to universities because "they stopped teaching civics in school, how our government runs. And I don't think that's an accident. The government doesn't want you to know how their government runs."

January 6th and the FBI's Role

Schneider doesn't believe January 6th was an insurrection. "Was it ugly? Was it regrettable? Was it a horrible day? Absolutely. Was it a guided tour by the FBI? Probably."

When the FBI director was asked at Congressional hearings "were there any FBI agents that were disguised as Trump supporters that day leading the people in, he said 'I will not, I can't answer that question.' You can't answer it? There were."

He also points to the Michigan governor kidnapping case where the FBI set up "poor guys" by pretending to be militia men and suggesting they kidnap Governor Whitmer. "It was all a setup from the government. Luckily that got thrown out."

What Trump Must Do With His Mandate

Trump now has "the most powerful" position "in over a century in America. And that's done because the Democrats gave him that gift." With the Electoral College, popular vote, Senate, and likely the House, plus the end of media dominance, Trump has unprecedented opportunity.

"He's not running for reelection," Schneider notes. "He doesn't have to give a shit what the New York Times think." Though he adds, endearingly, "He still cares though. That's cute. He wants to be loved by everybody."

Schneider hopes Trump will focus on legacy rather than revenge. "The Republicans have put on the big boy pants here and they're going to have to be the reconciliation party and the party that reaches out to the other side and the party that doesn't do the lawfare and vindictiveness."

He's met with congressmen about legislation to automatically elevate state-level lawfare against federal officials to federal courts "so you can have a fair case. You can still bring charges against somebody, but at least it's taken out of the political realm as much as possible."

The Team Around Trump

Schneider is cautiously optimistic about Trump's advisors. "Don Jr. admitted Trump didn't have good people around him the first time. He trusted—you have to hire 10,000 people. John Bolton is this horrible war hawk that will have nothing to do with his administration."

He's enthusiastic about Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Tulsi Gabbard, Vivek Ramaswamy, and JD Vance. "I think there's some good people there. I think they're going to want to do good things. The American people are expecting good things. They need good things. It's been such a tough time."

Kennedy specifically could create firewalls between pharmaceutical companies and regulatory agencies, eliminate direct-to-consumer drug advertising, and shift American health policy "from a position of health, not inducing disease to gain health, but inducing health for more health."

The Elite Disconnect

What particularly galls Schneider is the hypocrisy of wealthy Democrats. "Oprah Winfrey saying we're going to have—democracy's over if we don't elect Kamala, who wasn't democratically chosen to be the Democratic Party nominee for president."

These elites "are so rich, they have so much money and power that they can avoid the very real life consequences of Democratic policies." When Oprah talks about the election, "nobody cared what she said because they know that her life is—what gave her the opportunity to become a billionaire was this society, and here she is shitting on people trying to make the best out of it."

Schneider met a Democratic woman in tears on his flight to London. "I was just trying to console her because I think it's going to have to be the Republicans—they're going to have to be the reconciliation party."

Western Civilization and the Marxist Long Game

Schneider worries about Western civilization committing suicide, citing Douglas Murray. The concern isn't immigration itself but "bringing people into your society with a spoken plan to subvert your society. You can't bring people into your country who hate you. You can't bring people into your country that want to destroy your country and that will not assimilate."

The United States has been unique because "there's just so much potential to make money and improve your lives that it subverts people's religious fervor. You have a chance here to really become successful. That's why communism never really took a foothold here."

But Marxists adapted. After Mao's Cultural Revolution in 1966 to eliminate "the four olds"—habits, traditions, culture, and religion—Western Marxists realized the worker revolution wouldn't happen. "What the Marxists had to do was sneak in through education and subvert the society through education. They've been very successful at that, through the universities and then going up into K through 12."

The plan, he believes, was "to cause so much grievance and so much chaos that people would be willing to give up their liberties for just some sense of calm. That's why you have boys in girls' locker rooms, the trans issue, open borders—this crazy chaos where people said, 'Enough, what liberties do I have to give up so I can have some sense of calm?'"

Hope for Reconciliation

Despite his anger at Hollywood and the Democratic establishment, Schneider holds no personal grudges. "I hope that they forgive me. I hope that I get into a position with my new movie and media company that I'll get to hire them. No grudges. I hold no grudges against anybody in Hollywood."

He believes the market has spoken. The New York Times, Washington Post, LA Times, The Atlantic—"nobody gives a shit outside that small little circle of several block area of New York City and a little bit in Bel Air and the gated communities in Los Angeles."

The biggest question now is whether Trump will focus on delivering what Americans asked for rather than settling scores. If he does, Schneider believes, "he would change the course of history. Not only would he show Americans that this was possible and he would hand over the presidency to whoever his successor is going to be—because if he delivers on his policies, why would anyone vote for anyone else? He could show the entire Western world you don't have to continue going down this path."

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