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Staxioms and Kai Debate Left-Wing Violence Versus Right-Wing Violence at Turning Point USA Event
Staxioms aka Hunter Kozak and Kai Schwemmer face off in a debate examining political violence in America, exploring whether the left or right poses a greater threat. The two debaters dissect statistics showing Americans vastly overestimate their opponents' support for violence, analyze rhetoric from political leaders including Donald Trump and Joe Biden, and grapple with controversial questions about punching Nazis, January 6th pardons, and whether conservative values inherently lead to fascism. What starts as a statistical argument quickly becomes a deeper conversation about empathy, condemnation, and how political rhetoric shapes real-world violence.
Setting the Stage for a Debate on Political Violence
The debate begins with introductions as Staxioms (Hunter Kozak) takes the Democrat side and Kai Schwemmer represents the Republican perspective. After some lighthearted banter about positioning on stage and Kai joking about needing a new suit after gaining weight during a mission, the two debaters settle into their positions to discuss left-wing violence versus right-wing violence.
Staxioms opens by referencing a striking statistic: only 4% of Americans actually support political violence, yet Democrats believe 40% of Republicans support it, and Republicans believe 40% of Democrats do. He emphasizes that most people in the audience, regardless of political affiliation, want conversation and debate rather than violence. However, he notes one sour moment when another participant, Soy pill, refused to shake hands with Kai, which both debaters agree does nothing to improve political relations.
The Statistical Battle Over Violence
Staxioms presents what he claims is the consensus of research: that the ratio between left-wing to right-wing violence is approximately 10 to 1 in favor of right-wing violence being more prevalent. He offers to skip detailed discussion of the studies if Kai will concede this point and move on to discussing rhetoric instead.
Kai pushes back, arguing that the methodological flaws in these studies are severe. He contends that many studies include domestic violence committed by people who once had right-wing associations, don't account for property destruction like the burning of Teslas across the country, and often work with sample sizes too small to be statistically significant. He compares it to having ten friends who all agree with you, suggesting the research is inherently biased.
Staxioms clarifies that sample size isn't relevant because the studies aren't polling people but rather examining actual incidents and lethalities. He concedes that the statistics he's using do ignore arson and property damage, acknowledging that left-wing activists may burn more buildings. However, he argues that when it comes to actual murders, which he considers the most important measure of violence, right-wing perpetrators are responsible for more deaths. He states he would rather talk to a left-wing person who burns down a building than a right-wing person who thinks it's acceptable to murder people.
The Problem of Empathy and Condemnation
Kai rejects the framing that property damage doesn't matter and argues that there are indeed left-wing people who are okay with murdering people or at least dismissing and tolerating it. He points to his own experience as a member of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, noting that he frequently sees leftists respond to violence by saying things like "it was really sad what happened in Grand Rapids, Michigan, but we should remember that Mormons aren't Christians."
He describes this pattern as the left's way of dealing with political violence, particularly around incidents involving figures like Charlie Kirk. According to Kai, leftists acknowledge that violence is bad but then immediately add qualifiers that strip victims of human empathy. He argues that lack of empathy for suffering and loss is a major red flag for future violence, even more so than support for red flag laws themselves.
Kai brings up the punching of Richard Spencer as an example, challenging Staxioms to name how many people he knows who condemned that act of violence. This transitions the debate into a discussion about rhetoric and accountability.
Leadership Rhetoric and Accountability
Staxioms argues that the key difference isn't what random people online say, but what political candidates and leaders do. He distinguishes between "losers online" making violent statements and actual political leaders endorsing or failing to condemn violence.
As an example, Staxioms cites Cesar Sayoc, a Trump supporter who in 2017 mailed 16 pipe bombs to Democratic politicians and journalists. When asked about the incident, Donald Trump said there was no blame and that he didn't blame himself or anyone else. Staxioms finds this response abhorrent and contrasts it with the behavior of Democratic lawmakers, whom he says consistently condemn violence from their side.
Kai responds by pointing to January 6th, which he describes as "the thing that is often referenced by leftists to be the most violent case of right-wing extremism in recent history." He notes that Trump came out about a week after the protests saying the violence was abhorrent, that he condemned it outright, and that violence had no place in public policy. However, he acknowledges that Trump did pardon many January 6th participants, including 600 people convicted of assaulting police officers.
The Pardon Debate
Kai pivots to argue that even with all of Trump's pardons to date, they don't reach half of those issued by President Biden, which number around 4,000. Staxioms counters that the nature of the pardons matters, not just the quantity, and that Biden's pardons were primarily for non-violent offenders.
When Kai asks if Staxioms has looked at every case of the 4,000 Biden pardons, Staxioms responds that the plurality were drug offenders, specifically federal marijuana users or distributors. He argues there's a significant difference between pardoning people for marijuana possession and pardoning someone like Ross Ulbricht, whom Trump pardoned despite Ulbricht being the leader of the largest black market in America and being convicted for smuggling children and distributing serious drugs.
Staxioms defends marijuana pardons as reasonable, suggesting "it's pot, we could chill a little bit." This prompts Kai to joke that marijuana is the number one gateway drug, which clearly doesn't land well with the audience. The two debaters banter about being "soft on crime" before returning to the core issue.
ICE Raids and Due Process
Kai challenges Staxioms on what he believes has led to attacks on ICE and Border Patrol agents. Staxioms, while not condoning the attacks, argues they stem from infringement of due process and the detention of U.S. citizens. He references a New Yorker piece that found 170 U.S. citizens being held in ICE facilities, which he finds completely unacceptable.
The conversation shifts back to rhetoric, with Kai pressing the point that the left never needs to stake a claim in these debates. He argues that leftists can distance themselves from Biden's actions while Trump supporters are expected to defend everything Trump does. He repeatedly brings up the cultural acceptance of "punching Nazis" on the left.
The Nazi Punching Phenomenon
Kai makes an interesting argument about the asymmetry of rhetoric. He notes that while right-wing people do call their political adversaries Nazis or compare them to Hitler, there's never a corresponding influx of violence from the right against supposed Nazis. He argues this reveals something important: when right-wing politicians use extreme language, there isn't a cultural perception that makes their supporters act on it the same way.
In contrast, Kai argues there is a cultural perception of right-wingers as Nazis and fascists that creates an environment where violence becomes more acceptable on the left. He challenges Staxioms to think of anyone who has been punched because Donald Trump called them a fascist.
Staxioms responds by bringing up Cesar Sayoc again, noting that he sent pipe bombs to people at the RNC and DNC. There's some confusion about which incident they're discussing, but Staxioms clarifies he's talking about the 2017 or 2018 case where Sayoc targeted Nancy Pelosi and journalists critical of Trump.
Walking the Line Between Truth and Violence
Staxioms makes a personal statement that captures the core tension of the debate. He says he personally believes Donald Trump is a fascist and that many Trump supporters hold fascist ideologies, but he also believes in debate and conversation rather than violence. He condemns all those who say violence is the answer, arguing it ruins what democracy and America are built on.
Kai seizes on this, pointing out the problem: Staxioms is calling Trump a fascist to an audience where a significant percentage of strong progressives believe it's okay to punch fascists and Nazis. When Staxioms corrects him that it's 4% not 40%, Kai clarifies he's looking at specific studies about support for punching Nazis specifically, not general political violence.
This leads to perhaps the most honest moment of the debate, when Staxioms asks how he's supposed to act when the Trump administration is doing things he considers fascistic. Should he call them fascist but also tell people not to engage in violence? He genuinely asks Kai for a better way to walk that line, promising to condemn anyone who thinks it's okay to punch Nazis while also struggling with how else to characterize actions he sees as authoritarian.
The Historical Roots of Fascism Accusations
Kai responds by arguing that the perception has been built up over decades by media, Hollywood, and politicians, going all the way back to the aftermath of World War II. He references Umberto Eco's tenets of fascism and an article from a secular humanism magazine outlining 14 tenets of fascism, arguing that many of these simply describe things that are right-wing in nature, such as traditional attitudes toward gender roles or the belief that the state doesn't need to be libertarian.
He argues these frameworks have turned normal conservative positions into markers of an "authoritarian personality," which then gets deemed a gateway to violent extremism and Nazism. He sees this as a deliberate way of dismantling right-wing politics.
Staxioms grapples with this difficult point, acknowledging that Umberto Eco's 14 tenets of fascism do outline some conservative values. He then makes a controversial statement: perhaps the conversation needs to acknowledge that some conservatism does lead to fascism, and that these two ideologies are inherently tied to each other. He quickly clarifies he's not saying you have to be conservative to be fascist or vice versa, but the connection exists.
Before he can finish the thought, the time runs out and the debate ends to applause from the audience.
Video Transcript
For the next debate, let me just pull up
my roster here.
We have on the Democrat side staxiums
and he will be debating on the
Republican side. Kai
right there.
>> He's getting up. He's a grandpa.
>> All right, buddy.
>> How's it going? This is the right side.
>> I I need more.
>> We should swap.
>> Okay. Yeah, I'll do it.
>> This is This is left wing. Right wing.
This is good. This is good.
>> That only makes sense, right?
>> Oh. Oh, it's left for you guys. That's
true.
>> From my eyes. That's true.
>> I need a new suit. I was 20 pounds
lighter before the mission. But what's
going on? Hey,
>> how's it going? Do we want to So, yeah,
it's about
>> leftwing violence versus right-wing
violence.
>> Yes.
I want to say what an anti-semitic
debate that last one was
>> that was crazy.
>> If you if you start blaming the Jews,
I'm leaving by the way. Like that's
[ __ ] That was [ __ ] Um but yeah, I
I do want to start out the debate. I
just want to throw out a number real
quick. It was kind of crazy. I was doing
a lot of prep for the debate and one of
the one of the numbers that came up the
most was uh or that interested me the
most was that uh 4% of Americans are uh
encourage violence or are okay with
political violence. But if you ask
Democrats, they think that 40% of
Republicans think that. And if you ask
Republicans, they think 40% of Democrats
think that. So I do think it's notable
that like honestly in this crowd, we're
all [ __ ] cool with debate. We want to
have conversations. We don't want to
lead to any sort of violence or anything
like that. And I think that that's a
little bit bipartisan. So, I just want
to be like I want to appreciate that
most people don't think this [ __ ] Um,
but we are talking about uh violence
here. Yeah. You want to start?
>> Yeah. Well, I I and I'll I'll do kind of
my opening statement. I do want to thank
you. You know, you you shook my hand.
Most of the people here have whether
they're here for me or for you or
whatever. I really appreciate that. It
is nice and I'm seeing people that I,
you know, came up with on political
TikTok and, you know, unfortunately Soy
pill was not willing to shake my hand
and I don't think that does anything to
improve the political relations of of
anybody here. But I will say you're
you're obviously familiar with the same
statistics and the I'm sure we'll get
into the statistics in this, you know,
body of research. They suck. all of the
uh like there's a ton of methodological
flaws both on the right and the left
when trying to kind of figure out what
the perspectives are about violence and
and so I think it's actually important
to look at trends but I I will say
because you've seen the same data that
there is this kind of gradient that
exists regarding very progressive people
and the way that they feel concerning
and this is the particular language
right of some of these studies punching
Nazis I think that's where the
conversation has to take place it's
about the language we That's fine. I'm
I'm happy to So I will say and I I hope
that you'll concede that the vast
majority of studies do say that like the
ratio between left to rightwing violence
is about 10 to1.
>> So I and like we we we can skip the
studies as long as you could see that's
what the studies say. Then we can go to
rhetoric. I'm fine with that.
>> I I'm I'm going to frame like I I'm I'm
almost willing to concede it, but it's
like 10 of my friends say that they
agree with me. It's like you have to
look at every single one of these
studies. I don't want to bore the
audience, but there are studies that are
absolutely flawed in their methodology.
There's studies that include domestic
violence committed by people who at one
time had right-wing associations. Many
of these studies don't even include
property destruction. They don't include
the burning of Teslas around the
country. They are every single one of
these studies has methodological flaws
or is working with a sample size that
has been cooked too small to be
statistically significant.
>> So, wait, hold on. To be clear, I want
to I want to take that step by step.
First off, a sample size doesn't include
in this because we're not pulling
people. We're looking at lethalities,
which you don't need a sample size for.
We're just looking at which specific
incidences there were. And wait, hold on
real quick. I do agree that the stats
that I'm using are uh ignoring things
like arson and property damage. I
concede that for sure. Um but I think
when it comes to actual murders, which I
think is what we're talking about here
when we're talking about violence,
right?
>> I disagree. I disagree with your friend.
>> Okay. Okay. Well, then here here's what
I'll say. I'll concede that left-wing
people tend to burn more buildings, but
right-wing people tend to tend to murder
people, and that to me feels more more
egregious. And if we want to have
conversations about uh burning down
buildings, we shouldn't be doing that. I
agree with that. But I would I would so
much rather I would so much rather be
talking to a leftwing person who uh
burns down a building than a right-wing
person who thinks it's okay to murder
people.
>> Yeah. Well, I I I think again, you know,
this goes to the way that we're
assembling this data. Obviously, we know
that there are leftwing people who are
okay with murdering people or at the
very least are okay dismissing or
tolerating it and the use of the
language and and I get this a lot
because I'm LDS, right? That the typical
retort is like, oh, you know, it was
really sad what happened in Grand Lunch,
Michigan, but we should remember that
that Mormons aren't Christians. This is
what the left does with political
violence like around Charlie Kirk. This
is what happened. Well, it's it's really
bad that it happened, but what that is
is an effort to strip you of your human
empathy. And if I'm not in a support of
red flag laws, but if you want to talk
about something that is a red flag, it
is a lack of empathy for for suffering
and loss. I'm not here to police
everybody and say you can't make jokes
about Charlie Kirk. I've made jokes
about Charlie Kirk. I I sing the song
You've All Got the Lighters, which
suspiciously has two lightning bolts on
it. I don't know what the dog whistle
was there. I thought this was a leftwing
event, but but I do believe that there
is more desensitization or tolerance of
violence. It's like look look even back
to Richard Spencer. How many people do
you know that condemned the punching of
Richard Spencer? That's a clip.
>> Hold on, hold on, hold on. First off,
first off,
>> yeah, I'm going to we should be really
really careful about what's because I
would love to talk about rhetoric.
>> I do think every incident that you're
looking at are losers on online and not
political candidates, not our not the
people.
>> Why does that matter?
>> Why does that matter?
>> Which which Okay, which political
candidate committed the murders?
Which political candidate endorses or
doesn't condemn the murders? Donald, no.
Hold on, hold on, hold on, wait, wait.
Which one doesn't? Which one doesn't?
Can I say this? Can I say this?
>> Yes. Which one doesn't?
>> Wait, neither of them do. Which
political candidate murdered people?
Obviously.
>> No, no, no, no. I'm not talking about
the murders now. Which one condemns it?
>> Which one condemns it?
>> Which political candidate is condemning
the the violence? Like, which which
right-wing Democratic lawmaker, but not
Donald Trump? That's my point. Wait,
hold on. Hold on. Hold on. Hold on. Can
I'm going to give some examples. I'm
going to give some examples. So, first
off, Caesar Seyok. I don't know if you
guys know who this is. He was a Trump
supporter in 2017 who mailed 16 pipe
bombs to his supporters. And when asked
about it, Donald Trump said there's no
blame. I don't like I don't blame
myself. I don't blame anyone else. And
to me, I find that abhorrent. I don't
think that that's okay for our lawmakers
to be making making statements like
that. Now you will point to people who
are maybe even in this audience maybe
people that we know who are endorsing or
making fun or sorry making light of
Charlie's murder but you won't find that
from Democratic lawmakers but I will
find that from the president of United
States and I think that that difference
is pretty stark. So I think it's
interesting but with the case of the
president of the United States to if if
we're both going to address the
arguments that neither has made which I
think is okay. It it shows that we're
both thinking about each other's
arguments, and I like that. The
president of the United States, in the
thing that is often referenced by
leftists to be the most violent case of
right-wing extremism in recent history,
the January 6 protests, the president,
not, you know, a week later is coming
out saying that it was abhorrent, that
he condemns it outright, that violence
had no place in public policy. And look,
there were pardons. There were
presidential pardons
>> towards those violent extremists. You're
correct. 600 Wait, hold on. 600 people
who were in convicted of assault of a
cop pardoned by Donald Trump.
>> And you know what's interesting? Even
all of the pardons that Trump has done
to date do not reach half of those done
by President Biden, which are 4,000 in
number,
>> but not violent offenders.
>> How do you know? Have you looked at
every case of the 4,000?
>> Hold on, hold on, hold on, hold on.
First off, first off, we got to we cuz
you talked about Trump's rhetoric around
January 6th and you're saying he he's
condemning it.
>> He condemned it outright. I do agree
that you can pull specific clips where
he is condemning what happened on on
January 6th, but we also find clips of
him saying, "I don't [ __ ] care if
they have guns. They're not here to
shoot me."
>> Let's not say the f word, but I
appreciate it.
>> Okay.
>> I'm in the wrong tour for this. I know,
but
>> Okay. Yeah. Well, sorry. That was the
president of the United States. He did
say the f-word, so I think it's okay to
quote the president.
>> That's one of the worst things he's
done.
>> Say the f- word.
>> Yeah.
>> Wow.
>> There are several. There are several,
but it's it's up there.
>> All right. So, look, Donald Trump was on
was on record. A journalist was there to
to document him saying, "I don't care. I
don't effing care that they have guns.
They're not here to shoot me." Now, yes,
he also condemns the violence once
people start rallying against him and
say, "Hey, you got to condemn what
happened." But I want a president and I
expect from a president to be 100%
peaceful, not just 75, 50, wherever the
percentage may be. I mean, look, if if
the standard is that the politicians are
only condemning violence once people
start pressuring them to do it, when are
we going to get after Barack Obama? When
are we going to get after events that
eventually lead to the shooting of
congressmen and baseball fields? When
are we going to get to the fact that
waition
of property damage are caused because of
rhetoric regarding systemic racism in
this country? When are we going to get
to the fact that calling a person a
fascist is actually absolutely going to
enable people who think that punching a
Nazi is okay?
>> Okay, wait, hold on, hold on. You said a
lot of things. I want to break them down
slowly. First off, first off, the
shooting of the baseball field, right?
You're talking about the Bernie Sanders
supporter. The next day, Bernie Sanders
said, "I do not support this man. I am
so sorry that that happened. If any of
you guys are in my field, I want you
guys out. We support peace here."
>> That's that sounds like what Trump said.
You're just not admitting that
politician.
>> Hold on. The next day after Paul Pelosi
was hammered to death, he joked about
it. And his son is saying, "This is my
next Halloween costume." And it was a p
it was it was underwear and a hammer.
Now I want to I want to condemn the
people who who were uh Charlie Kirk for
Halloween and had blood and thought that
was funny. That's [ __ ] That's gross.
F word again.
>> That's gross. Sorry. That's effed.
That's effed. Is that okay? Look. No.
Wait. Hold on. But we should also be
looking at the son of the of the
president and the president himself who
joke about the same incident when it's
the husband of of Nancy Pelosi. I don't
find that okay. And it was one of his
supporters. And I think by the way when
one of the most the the biggest things
that we talk about when it comes to
violence the way to perpetuate or sorry
the way to prevent violence is by
condemning it because we don't want the
person to feel like a hero and we want
to make sure that the everyone else is
able to rally and work with law
enforcement. And that can't happen if
the top down structure refuses to
condemn the the violence.
>> I I I could agree to some extent with
that. Like I I personally think that,
you know, comments either made about Rob
Schneider or other, you know, I do think
those are inappropriate. And I think,
you know, maybe not all the Republicans
here agree with me, but I I think there
does have to be, you know, less cruelty
in the way that we exercise our
political opinions. And we do see that
unfortunately, you know, with the way
that some of like the ICE raids are
done. I think yes, people, the American
people, they send their mandate. They
want ICE rates. They want deportations.
But I don't think people want to see it.
And I think often times the the you know
Trump presidency or the admin is doing
things in a way that is not conducive to
you know actually achieving what they
want and actually encourages the left.
That being said, the left is absolutely
being encouraged. They are fighting off
the very police that you're talking
about. And if we're looking at, you
know, who is maybe more dismissive of
violence or if the right or the left is
more violent, the right is absolutely
taking a law and order type approach.
And you might disagree. You might say
that, well, Trump pardoned a bunch of
criminals. Joseph Biden literally parded
two times as many quotations or pardons
during his last president.
>> You have you have to look at what
specifically he pardoned. Now a vast a a
huge the I would say the plurality.
>> Are you are you willing are you willing
to go out and defend the 4,000 pardons
in cont?
>> No. I'll defend the plurality of them
though and the plurality of those
pardons were drug offenders. We're were
federal marijuana users or uh or
distributors. Now, I don't think that
they should be I think that it's fine to
uh to pardon those people and say,
"Look, it's pot. Okay, it's pot. We
could chill a little bit." Okay. Now, I
think there's a difference between that
and someone like Ross Olrich, who Donald
Trump con uh who who Donald Trump
pardoned, who was the leader of the
biggest black market in America and was
convicted for 40 years because of
smuggling children and smuggling dark
really uh like schedule uh schedule 3
drugs.
>> I I forgot the schedule.
>> Marijuana now it is schedule three and I
think that's a problem. Hey, but if you
want to go after, you know, the
marijuana uses, maybe you're on Trump's
side regarding the reclassification of
marijuana. Maybe you come off as the
Trump supporter.
>> Sorry. There are some things that Trump
does that are okay. Yeah, for sure. When
it comes to
>> and for me, you know, there are some
things that Trump does that are not
okay. But I I think I think it is
ridiculous this framing that look, I
know the name of this individual who,
you know, was a nonviolent drug offender
that was pardoned by President Biden.
>> Yeah.
>> I can defend the plurality of the
January 6 protesters. Not every single
case. 600 [snorts] out of that those
2,000 were convicted of assaults of a
police officer.
>> I I think that there is obviously
something that needs to be analyzed in
every single one of those cases. And and
unfortunately, and I'll concede this, I
don't have the time to look over every
single case, but I'm also not naive
enough to believe that this was not an
extraordinary event that had an
extraordinary amount of prosecutorial
pressure because it was an attempt to
make an example out of something. And
that, in my opinion, is not the way our
justice system is supposed to work. To
me, I think that storming a political
capital
>> and uh assaulting law enforcement does
need some punishment. And I I'm I'm
happy to hear that you're a little bit
more soft on crime than I am. I think
that's an that's a totally acceptable
position.
>> Unless they sell drugs, then it's worse.
>> Sorry. Unless they sell pot. Can we be
>> Pot is Pot is the number one gateway
drug.
>> Oh my god. It
>> It absolutely is.
>> Okay. You're not going to get the crowd
on this one. The vast majority of
>> I'll get any of them that aren't smoked
out that aren't that haven't been We
could chill a little bit.
>> We could chill a little bit. We could do
a little slap on the wrist, but the idea
that people were in federal prison for
marijuana charges like that's what
you're comparing against the January 6
protesters is insane.
>> No, I I I think I think look, let's
let's get back to kind of the idea of
the debate, right? And and and again,
this is not, you know, a referendum on
on Trump's January 6 policy. Although I
think it is important to mention that he
like every single politician when they
are pushed to condemn the violence, like
mass violence that occurred, he did
condemn it. And I don't think that's
something that's mentioned often times
by leftists. But the posturing of these
parties, the rhetoric that has occurred,
I don't think you can divorce the
results that we've seen in recent years
either against I mean, what what do you
think has led to the attacks on on ICE
on Border Patrol?
>> Sure. What do you think has led to those
attacks?
>> I can No, of course. Well, I would say
what leads to those attacks, and I'm not
condoning those attacks, by the way, but
what leads to the attacks is the
infringement of uh of due process and
also the int the the consistent
um grabbing of US citizens. The New
Yorker did a piece where they went into
an ICE facility and they found 170 US
citizens there. Now, I think that's
[ __ ] And I think most people Oh,
sorry. I am so I'm sorry, Kai. I'm
trying to work with you. Trying to work
with you.
>> Appreciate it.
>> That is FS.
>> That is messed up.
>> Let's go.
>> That is fetched up.
>> All right. Look, I I grew up around
Mormons. I totally I I grew up Mormon
myself. I get my mom's the same way.
She's got a
>> She's on your side during this debate.
>> Let's go.
>> We love you, Mom. [laughter]
>> Um but uh yeah, sorry. I don't uh that's
what was I saying?
>> I think we're talking a little bit about
the rhetoric, right? And and I want you
to address that point. the the rhetoric
surrounding punching Nazis. I agree. I
think that that's messed up. Okay,
here's the problem. In this debate and
in many of these debates, and it's
happened a lot in Jubilee debates, the
left never needs to stake a claim. The
left can say, "Well, I actually don't
support Joseph Biden, you know,
pardoning his son or I don't support all
of his presidential pardons, but you as
a Trump supporter have to support all of
the presidential parties pardons of the
right."
>> Sorry. Where has Biden's rhetoric ever
been conducive to punching Nazis? find
one time where he said we should punch
Nazis.
>> Okay, hold on. There's a conflation.
>> Wait, wait. I could point out that
Donald Trump has said knock the crap out
of him to protesters at his rally and
then he said, "I'll pay the legal fines
for the for those who do." And I feel
like that rhetoric is different.
>> Okay, here here's the problem. There's
an obfuscation of of the guilt and
there's this minimization of and and a
complete removing of context. Why is it
do you think that when and because it is
true right-wing people have referred to
their political adversaries as being
like the Nazis or being like Hitler. Why
do you think it is that right-wing
people never punch Nazis?
>> Why is it Wait, sorry, say that one.
>> If being a Nazi is such a bad thing when
a right-winger calls a leftist a Nazi,
why is there not an in influx of
violence against the supposed Nazis?
It's because people implicitly
understand what is being said by the
politician is, you know, it carries a
weight that is also perceived
culturally. In this sense, there is a
cultural perception of right-wing of
right-wingers as Nazis and fascists that
simply does not occur on the left. In
that same way, wait, hold on, hold on.
I'm responding to your point.
>> Donald Trump has called multiple people
fascists. No, this is the point I'm
proving. This is the point I'm proving.
Go ahead. Has anybody ever punched
somebody because Donald Trump told them
that they were a fascist?
>> No. But Caesar sucks because they nobody
pipe bombs because of it.
>> Where? At the RNC and the DNC.
>> What?
>> At both the RNC and DNC?
>> No, it was No, it was not. It was
towards Nancy Pelosi, a number of
journalists that were critical of
>> Wait, hold on. Which case are you
talking about?
>> Caesar Seok
>> when in 20
>> 2017
I want to say 2018 maybe.
>> Okay, I'm I'm thinking about the January
6 by office bombs. I'm thinking about a
different deal. Okay,
>> I was going to say the motives of that
individual, you know, they're very much
more up in the air. Bonds were supplied
to both sides, right? But look, it's
like these situations. I I I think it's
it's baffling. You just can't think of
an example. And I don't even conceive of
it because it's so ridiculous that
somebody who's being told that the
Democrats are the real fascists are
going out and punching Democrats like
Hassan [ __ ] or somebody because they're
the real Nazis.
>> Wait, hold on. Hold on, hold on, hold
on, hold on, hold on. We got to break
this down a little bit slowly. Okay,
>> first off, first off,
>> I don't think it's conducive at all to
say that we should punch Nazis. I do I
do think personally, personally, I think
that Donald Trump's a fascist and a lot
of his Trump supporters are fascists,
but I believe in debate. I believe in
conversation and I don't think that we
should pump uh punch fascists, even
though I do believe that they believe in
some fascist ideologies. Wait, hold on.
Hold on one second. So, I condemn all of
those people who say that we should
respond in violence. I don't think that
that's the answer. I think that it ruins
what a democracy is built on. It ruins
what America's built on.
>> Here's the problem is you're saying that
Donald Trump is a fascist to a group of
40% of strong progressives who believe
it is okay to punch fascists and Nazis.
>> Sorry, 4%. Not 40. 4%.
>> No, no, hold on. It's it's you have to
you have to look at these different
Nazis. Okay. To punch Nazis.
>> I'm not talking about violent extremism.
I'm speaking specifically about
[laughter] So then a real question. If
you let's say you how am I supposed to
act when the Trump administration is
doing things that are a little fascistic
>> to call them fascist but also not engage
in violence. How do I walk that line?
Because if you have a better answer, I'd
love to walk that line. I will condemn
anyone who thinks that it's okay to
punch Nazis, anyone who thinks it's okay
to to commit violence. But I also don't
know how to say, "Well, this person is a
fascist. He is enabling the Supreme
Court to give him immunity on all on on
total immunity. I find like how what
else should I be calling that? How else
can I engage in that?
>> Yeah. I I mean I I think obviously it's
it's very difficult difficult to
dismantle it because this perception has
been built up by the media, by
Hollywood, by politicians, by plenty of
people over decades. This is something
that goes all the way back to the
aftermath of World War II where you have
perspectives either, you know, the
tenants of fascism that are supported by
Alberto Ekko or the ones that are
outlined in secular humanism, the
magazine, the 14 tenants of fascism
which very frequently concern things
that are just simply right-wing in their
nature. Things like a traditional
mentality towards generals. Things like
the idea that the state does not need to
be libertarian. All of these things
begin finding themselves as part of an
authoritarian personality. the exact
thing that is being deemed a gateway to
violent extremism by becoming Nazism.
And it is a way of dismantling the
rightwing. I think that's the problem.
>> That's a that's a thing that I think you
really need to that that that's a it's a
hard conversation to be had because
you're like Omeberto Echo his 14 tenants
of fascism. It does outline some
conservative values in there for sure.
Now, here's the thing. Maybe we should
be I I don't know how else to
acknowledge that maybe some conservatism
does lead to fascism. that that
unfortunately these two ideologies are
inherently tied to each other. Now, I'm
not saying you have to be a conservative
be to be a fascist or you have to be a
fascist to be a conservative. I think
the PROBLEM IS
>> ALL RIGHT. [screaming]
Okay guys, that is time.
>> That was a [ __ ] great debate.
[applause]
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