Brandon Straka and John Strand Reveal What Really Happened Inside the US Capitol on January 6

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Brandon Straka and John Strand Reveal What Really Happened Inside the US Capitol on January 6

Brandon Straka and John Strand share their firsthand accounts of January 6, 2021, detailing how they arrived at the Capitol for scheduled speaking events only to find open doors, minimal police presence, and no clear instructions. Straka filmed his experience on the east side of the Capitol, walking through open barricades with no officers in sight, while Strand entered after being pushed inside by crowds fleeing police aggression. Both faced severe prosecution despite claiming innocence. Straka spent over $300,000 defending himself and took a plea deal he says was false. Strand rejected his plea deal, went to trial, received nearly three years in prison, and spent four months in solitary confinement for refusing to stay silent about what he witnessed. Their stories challenge the mainstream narrative of January 6 and reveal the human cost of speaking out against government prosecution.

April 16, 2025

Why They Went to Washington DC on January 6

Brandon Straka was a scheduled speaker at a permitted event on Capitol grounds. The plan, established weeks in advance, involved President Trump speaking at the Ellipse followed by a ceremonial march to the Capitol for afternoon speeches. Straka was heading to his speaking engagement when he started receiving text messages from friends and family across the country who were watching television reports of disruptions at the Capitol and people entering the building.

John Strand was in Washington DC working as the creative director for America's Frontline Doctors. The organization's founder was scheduled to speak at the same permitted event on Capitol grounds. The event never happened because while President Trump was still speaking at the Ellipse, about a mile from the Capitol, the conflict at the Capitol building began.

The March to the Capitol

The expectation, known weeks before the event, was that attendees would march from the morning event at the Ellipse to the Capitol building for afternoon events scheduled on Capitol grounds in an area called Section 8, which had a permit. None of the speakers at the Ellipse knew what was happening at the Capitol because they were watching President Trump speak.

Strand explained that before what would later be called a riot, there was documentation of tactical units in black masks entering the Capitol by breaking a window and then opening a door so others could walk through. This occurred while President Trump was still speaking. By the time Straka and Strand made their way toward the Capitol over the course of several hours, many people had been slowly making their way to the building from both the west and east sides.

Brandon Straka's Experience on the East Side

Straka approached the Capitol from the east side and began filming an 8.5-minute video that would later lead to his arrest. He emphasized that the violence, destruction, and initial entries into the Capitol happened on the west side of the building before he arrived. Walking up the east side steps around 2:40 PM, he encountered open barricades with no signs and no police officers.

The moment Straka crossed through those open barricades, he committed what the government would charge as his first felony: knowingly occupying restricted grounds. No one explained to him how he supposedly knew he was committing a felony. The government simply told him that he did. Everyone on those steps who walked through the open barricades was technically a felon under this charge, yet there were no police officers present to inform them or stop them.

Straka's purpose for filming was journalistic. After months of media coverage showing buildings burning during what were called mostly peaceful Black Lives Matter protests, he didn't trust media reports. He wanted to document with his own camera what was actually happening. What he found was a calm, peaceful scene with people riding bicycles and a woman pushing a baby stroller. He was actively looking for police officers but couldn't find any.

The Open Doors

As Straka climbed the steps, he reached the top where a man was cupping his hands over his mouth and shouting down to the crowd: "They've opened the doors. They're letting us in. We're going inside." Straka repeated these words while filming, documenting what was being said. Later, when the government charged him, they removed this context and claimed he stood outside shouting "We're going in" as if it were his idea.

When Straka reached the top of the stairs, the doors were in fact open. John Strand arrived at the east side Columbus doors earlier than Straka. When Strand first arrived, the inner modern doors were closed, though the massive 20,000-pound bronze doors had swung open. Crowds were pressed against the inner doors, wondering if they would be let inside.

With later released footage, it became clear that people who had entered from the west side and traveled through the building pushed open the east Columbus doors from the inside. A man named George Tenny pushed the doors open. There were no police officers giving instructions to leave. In fact, there was minimal police presence on the east side at all.

Inside the Capitol

Straka never actually entered the Capitol on January 6. His video shows him filming from approximately 35 feet away, though his camera was zoomed in making it appear much closer. He made a decision not to go inside, though he admits he doesn't entirely know why. Later in his video, a man came out of the building with a bullhorn saying they had cleared Congress, everyone had left the building, and people should move out. Straka immediately turned around and left.

Strand's experience was different. He got caught in the crowd on the steps during an incident where police started what he describes as aggressively assaulting the crowd. When the doors opened, people were trying to get inside, but others were simultaneously trying to get away from the police aggression behind them. With no way to get down or away from the building, the only safe direction was forward through the threshold. Strand was essentially pushed inside.

Once inside, Strand saw people meandering around, uniformed police officers, protesters, and what looked like employees in uniforms. People were moving in various directions with no specific concerted effort to push anywhere in particular. It was calmer inside than the contested situation outside. He and his colleague simply walked straight ahead into the rotunda.

Strand wandered around trying to find a safe, appropriate pathway to exit. The Capitol is enormous with no signage, and he had no idea where he was going. He inadvertently found his way to a vestibule outside the House chamber. The DOJ would later use this moment to claim Strand and others were charging into the House chamber with malicious intent, but Strand had no idea where he was. He was simply stuck in a congested area.

Eventually, a police officer with a face mask made his way into the area. There was smoke and noise making it hard to hear anything. The officer didn't approach Strand directly but told some people further up the vestibule at the House chamber door to turn around. Once there was space, Strand and others turned and went back the way they had come. After being inside for about 40 minutes, a police officer approached Strand in the rotunda and said it had calmed down enough that they were asking people to start making their way back to the east door to exit. Strand thanked the officer and walked out.

The Famous Shaman Video

Video footage shows Jacob Chansley, who became known as the QAnon Shaman, being escorted through the Capitol by approximately eight police officers. Chansley had been outside the building reiterating what President Trump said about going home peacefully and avoiding violence. At some point he entered the building and was guided around by police officers who led him to the Senate floor where he said a prayer and then left.

Because of his distinctive appearance, the media left out all context and made him the face of the insurrection. The question both Straka and Strand raised was: if police didn't want him there, why didn't the eight officers surrounding him simply walk him out?

The Language of "Storming"

Both Straka and Strand used the word "storm" in communications that day, which was later used against them in court. Strand sent a private text message to his brother hours after the event saying "We stormed the Capitol and it was insane." He explained that he hadn't made up the term; he'd heard people using it in the hours after the event, and likely the media was already using that terminology.

To Strand, the word captured how all at once, all these protesters showed up inside the building when the doors unexpectedly opened. He compared it to storming a football field after an unexpected victory—an expression of excitement, not violence. Straka also used the word "storm" in a tweet, writing "Patriots stormed the Capitol from all sides." He explained he meant that people had surrounded the building, not that they had violently attacked it.

Both men argue the word "storm" as used by the media narrative implied a violent event with weapons to commit an act of war or aggression. But in their usage, storming simply meant a crowd of excited people suddenly arriving all at once, like rushing onto a football field. They maintain that flag poles and a random hammer are not weapons of war, and this was a political protest of excited people who rushed in when doors opened.

Context on Violence That Did Occur

Straka and Strand acknowledge that violence and destruction did occur on January 6, particularly on the west side of the building. They saw footage on television later that day showing things they hadn't witnessed in person. However, they argue for important context.

First, January 6 was the third major march in DC since the election. Similar large marches had occurred in November and December. At those previous marches, Antifa came out and attacked Trump supporters, including elderly people and mothers with children. By the third march in January, people came prepared with defensive gear like helmets and goggles, not because they planned to overthrow the government, but because they didn't feel safe doing a march in DC where police had been ordered to stand down by Mayor Muriel Bowser.

Second, much of the violence that occurred happened after police instigated aggression against peaceful protesters. Footage shows people standing peacefully on the other side of barricades being flashbanged for no reason. Police shot rubber bullets, including one into a man's face. People standing and minding their own business became agitated after being flashbanged and shot, and it was after these incidents that crowds surged forward and moved barricades.

Straka emphasized the difference in how the left and right are treated. If similar events had happened with leftist protesters, conservatives would separate out those who committed violence from those who entered the building innocently. But people at the Capitol on January 6 were not granted that consideration. Democrats, left-wing media, and many Republicans pushed an overwhelming narrative that anyone near the Capitol was part of a violent mob intending to overthrow the government.

Government Failures and Questions

Both men raised serious questions about government preparation and response. President Trump had authorized 10,000 National Guard troops because he knew there would be massive crowds, but those troops were declined. With approximately one million people in the city and only a fraction of the necessary police presence for crowd control, there was nowhere near adequate law enforcement.

At no point did either man hear any announcement from law enforcement telling people they needed to leave or that they would be arrested for entering. Straka never even saw law enforcement on his side of the building. He believes that if at any point someone had gotten on a loudspeaker and clearly stated that people would be arrested for walking past barricades or entering the building, at least 90 to 95 percent of people would have turned around and left immediately.

A documentary called "The Real Story of Jan 6" by Joshua Phillip and Epoch Times interviewed a government expert whose job is assessing use of force by police. The expert provided extensive evidence showing the government operated improperly, violating established use of force protocols such that conflict was inevitable. At minimum, the government failed to make good choices to prevent a riot.

Brandon Straka's Arrest

Straka uploaded his video to Twitter on January 6, but took it down a couple hours later when he saw television footage of what had happened on the west side. He was confused about whether the conflict was still happening and worried his followers might be concerned about his safety. However, left-wing Twitter accounts had already copied his video and began posting it daily, tagging the FBI and DOJ, demanding his arrest.

For weeks people asked if he was worried, but Straka insisted he had done nothing wrong and had nothing to worry about. He had no warning anything would happen until the morning of Monday, January 25, 2021—two and a half weeks after January 6. At dawn, a team of FBI agents in tactical gear stormed his apartment, got him out of bed, put him in handcuffs, and told him he faced multiple felony charges.

Agents stripped his apartment of computers, iPads, hard drives, phones, thumb drives, camera equipment, and clothing, sealing everything in bags. They took him to jail where he spent two and a half days in 24-hour lockdown before being released in the middle of the night.

The Charges Against Brandon Straka

The next morning, Straka met with an attorney his work team had found while he was in jail. He was being charged with two felonies and a misdemeanor. The first felony was knowingly occupying restricted grounds—essentially trespassing for walking through the open barricades with no police officers present.

The second felony was impeding law enforcement. Straka was shocked because there were no police officers on the east side of the building. His attorney told him to watch his video. In one moment, a police officer is walking through the crowd carrying a plastic shield above his head. Someone grabs the shield and people pass it around for about 30 seconds before giving it back. Several voices in the crowd shouted "Take it, take it, take the shield."

The government claimed Straka was the one shouting this and leading the charge, charging him with a felony for impeding law enforcement. He was also charged with a misdemeanor of disorderly conduct with intent to disrupt a hearing before Congress.

Straka maintains he 100 percent unequivocally did not do these things. He points out the absurdity of the accusation: he built his conservative political career on the support of a law-and-order audience that doesn't want to see police officers attacked. The idea that he would intentionally film himself telling people to take a shield from an officer and then upload it to Twitter for his conservative audience to see is, in his words, "simply not that dumb."

The Plea Deal

About 10 months after his arrest, Straka pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor charge. When you take a plea deal with the government, you must also sign their statement of offense—essentially a confession the government writes on your behalf. Straka calls it a plea deal, but emphasizes there was no deal to be made. If you objected to anything in the statement of offense, the response was "then you're welcome to go to trial."

Going to trial meant facing a DC judge and DC jury in a district that voted 93 percent against Donald Trump. Nobody stood a chance at trial in DC, which is why the government achieved a 100 percent conviction rate for January 6 cases that went to trial. Straka signed what he calls a completely bogus statement of offense to avoid trial.

He was sentenced to three months of house arrest, three years of probation, fines, fees, community service, and court-ordered mental health services because, as he sarcastically noted, he voted for Donald Trump so he must be insane.

The Civil Lawsuit

After signing the false statement of offense confessing to saying "take it, take it" to encourage people to take the shield, Straka was sued by a Soros-funded nonprofit law firm called Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights Under Law out of Washington DC. This firm regularly sues conservatives and Republicans alleging civil rights violations and racist acts.

They sued Straka under the KKK Act. They found eight Capitol police officers who are black and brown to be plaintiffs and alleged Straka is a white supremacist who went to the Capitol to encourage the mob to attack black and brown police officers and deprive them of their civil rights. Straka had to defend himself against this lawsuit for two and a half years.

In total, Straka spent over $300,000 defending himself between his criminal case, the civil case, and being subpoenaed and deposed by the January 6 committee, which required hiring lawyers to go through discovery and depositions.

John Strand's Arrest

John Strand found out he was in trouble on Martin Luther King Day, January 18, 2021. He was in Beverly Hills working when the front door was obliterated with a battering ram. He was assaulted by 20 tactical soldiers in a SWAT unit with red laser dot sights on his chest. He could smell the sweat from the adrenaline of officers who were in fight-or-flight mode, apparently having been informed he was a violent terrorist.

Later, in trial discovery, Strand saw photos showing surveillance cameras in the bushes at his Beverly Hills home. The government had been surveilling him for a week prior to the raid but never gave him a phone call asking him to come down to the office to talk.

After the raid, Strand was disappeared in jail for four days without a phone call. His mother, family, and attorney had no idea if he was alive or where he was. This is illegal. His colleague finally hired a private investigator to figure out where he was and forced the issue to get him bonded out.

The Charges Against John Strand

Strand was charged with five counts. The felony was 1512C2, along with four misdemeanors similar to those Brandon described that most January 6 defendants faced. The government specifically claimed Strand was always at the front leading the charge of the insurrection and framed him as a general because he was there with a scheduled speaker as the creative director for America's Frontline Doctors.

The government's case was related to the general narrative of a violent insurrection to take over the government. Strand's entry into the political world had come in 2020 during lockdowns when he, a lifelong actor and fashion model working in Hollywood, decided to go public in resistance against what he understood to be tyranny. This quickly coincided with supporting Donald Trump's 2020 re-election campaign. As a conservative in Hollywood, he previously could not be political.

Rejecting the Plea Deal

Strand's story diverged from most January 6 defendants when he refused to take the plea deal. He understood what the government was doing with these pleas—using them to build a narrative by accelerating the pace at which people said they were guilty and intensifying forced false confessions. This built a story of many people confessing they knew in advance they were breaking the law and intended to overtake the government.

A few weeks after his arrest, Strand received the plea deal from the government. He read the fine print and the statement of offense and said, "Hell no. There is no chance I'm going to bend the knee to this clear advent of tyranny." Everyone told him this was insane.

Strand had what he calls a golden parachute plea deal. He was facing a maximum potential of 23 years in prison and a half million dollars in fines with the felony and other charges. The plea deal offered a single misdemeanor that would have been essentially a slap on the wrist, and the whole thing would have been done in 2021. He would have had his life back for the last two or three years.

Rejecting the plea cost him everything he possibly could have had to give. He knew he would be convicted at trial—it was completely obvious given the numbers and the environment. But he understood this was not just some random conflict at a protest. This was a strategized conflict, a strategized series of events, and a strategized narrative. He refused to publicly swear he did things he didn't do or affirm what he saw as a weaponized Department of Justice.

Prison and Solitary Confinement

Strand was sentenced to 32 months in prison plus 36 months of supervised release. The prison environment was very dirty, depressing, soul-crushing, and extremely physically uncomfortable, but the psychological pain was far worse.

Because Strand did not plead guilty and appealed his convictions immediately, pressing his case to the Supreme Court, he eventually won. He was released after serving one year—366 days—instead of the full 32-month sentence.

Strand spent four months in solitary confinement essentially because he refused to shut up. He had been very vocal for the entire two-year period before trial, speaking publicly and doing interviews saying January 6 was fraudulent and a setup, and that in his case all the video showed he did nothing wrong. He continued to be vocal after being convicted by a DC jury.

Any attorney would advise that once you're convicted and not yet sentenced, you should be silent no matter how innocent you are. But for Strand, it wasn't about him or the sentence—it was about the truth and how Americans were being sabotaged by their government. At sentencing, the judge was furious and said from the bench that he was sending a message that what Strand had done could never happen again. The government was making an example of him for criticizing the Washington DC court system.

The Hell of Solitary Confinement

Strand described solitary confinement as being in a very tight, condensed, all-metal environment like a submarine hallway. He compared it to being knocked into a closet on that submarine, with the door locking from the outside and no one responding to your banging. Then the submarine submerges and hits the bottom. That's what it felt like emotionally and mentally.

The screaming never stopped. People around him were, in his words, like animals—just shrieking and screaming constantly for four months. He described it as animalistic, savage, and demented, like a corner of hell. He found a piece of paper and a prison pen and scratched off marks day by day to keep track of time.

He had no contact with family. His family and colleagues, including Brandon, tried for months to reach him but couldn't get answers. Strand knew nothing about anything happening outside.

He was thrown into solitary shortly after doing a phone interview with Grant Stinchfield. As far as Strand understood, the interview was legal and he had registered the contact according to prison procedure. The prison claimed there was a process requiring permission to speak to media and that he didn't follow it, though they never told him what the process was.

Prison guards from a SWAT-like team called the SIS threw Strand into an interrogation room and accused him of crimes and planning additional criminal activity and inciting violence. They told him they were throwing him in "the hole" and taunted him, bragging about how they would abuse him. They said it was the worst solitary unit in the country, that the people there were like animals competing to be the worst, and that they never stopped screaming. They weren't lying.

Why the Severe Treatment

Strand believes he was targeted for two reasons. First, January 6 defendants were targeted in general. The way they were transported was overly harsh. Prison assignments were improper and overly harsh. Bureau of Prisons policy clearly documents who goes where and why. Strand was rated for a camp and the judge agreed to put him in a specific camp in Pensacola near where he now resides. Instead, they put him in a much more dangerous, violent, terrible prison.

Second, in Strand's case particularly, they made his imprisonment far worse by putting him in solitary because he continued legally, peacefully, and appropriately to say he wouldn't back down, wouldn't silence himself, and wouldn't self-censor. He maintained he was an innocent American wrongfully accused and unjustly imprisoned. He respected due process and self-surrendered to prison, walking up in a suit. But he continued to litigate his appeal with attorneys while in prison and continued to speak and represent his values.

The government didn't like that. It wasn't part of the January 6 program. Strand argues the point of January 6 was to destroy and demonize people like Brandon Straka who are champions for constitutional rights and American values. It was meant to silence Americans who know what they believe in their hearts, know it's right, and want to stand up for it or at least share their opinion. January 6 was about fear, silence, and endangering Americans who truly believe in preserving constitutional governance in America.

What They Want People to Know

Both Straka and Strand want people to understand that the vast majority of people who entered the Capitol on January 6 went with innocent intentions. Many probably didn't even know they were committing any kind of crime, even misdemeanor trespassing. Before January 6, entering a building you weren't allowed in typically resulted in a $50 citation handled in a way that created no criminal record—the well-established precedent for handling protest issues. The government completely departed from this precedent.

They emphasize that people should be able to separate those who committed actual violence from those who found themselves innocently inside the building not realizing they were doing something terribly wrong. This courtesy has been extended to left-wing protesters who have disrupted congressional hearings and received only $50 citations, not being called insurrectionists or having their lives destroyed.

The overwhelming narrative from Democrats, left-wing media, and many Republicans was that if you were anywhere near the Capitol on January 6, you were part of a violent mob intending to overthrow the government. This bears no resemblance to the experience of most people who were there, including Straka and Strand. Both were accused of things they didn't do, and in Straka's case, he even confessed to things he didn't do to avoid the risk of trial in a jurisdiction where conviction was guaranteed.

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