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Charlie Sykes and Tom Nichols Dissect Charlie Kirk's Astonishing Historical Illiteracy and Modern Conservative Dysfunction
Charlie Sykes joins Professor Tom Nichols to examine a stunning moment where Turning Point USA founder Charlie Kirk claims there were only 55 countries in the world in 1945, a claim he attributes to Nigel Farage without fact-checking. The conversation expands into a broader analysis of how intellectual rigor has vanished from conservative circles, replaced by performative ignorance. Sykes and Nichols also tackle Ron DeSantis and Greg Abbott's anti-vaccine passport mandates that restrict private business freedom, the Senate report on January 6th, Joe Manchin's obstruction of Democratic priorities, and why Democrats struggle with political messaging compared to Republicans. This wide-ranging discussion challenges assumptions on both sides of the political spectrum, examining the collapse of conservative intellectualism and Democratic political competence.
When Ignorance Became a Conservative Badge of Honor
Charlie Sykes opens The Bulwark Podcast with Professor Tom Nichols by playing a jaw-dropping clip from Charlie Kirk appearing on Tucker Carlson's online show. Kirk, the Turning Point USA founder who dropped out of college, confidently declares that in 1945 there were only 55 countries in the world—a fact he claims to have learned from Nigel Farage on his podcast the previous day. Kirk hedges slightly, saying he should "triple-check that," but then immediately talks himself into believing it's probably true because of colonialism in India and Africa.
What makes the moment even more remarkable is Tucker Carlson's response. Rather than correcting this obvious falsehood, Carlson simply replies "interesting" and lets Kirk continue. Sykes and Nichols dissect this as emblematic of a larger problem: the complete abandonment of intellectual standards in conservative media. There are no consequences, no corrections, no standards. Nichols asks pointedly: "When did stupid become cool?"
The conversation highlights how far the conservative movement has fallen from the days of Edmund Burke and William F. Buckley Jr. to celebrating a college dropout spouting easily disprovable nonsense. Nichols notes that this isn't a simple mistake made during a long day of campaigning—this is "rock-solid stupidity" presented with confidence and accepted without question.
The Republican War on Private Business Freedom
Sykes and Nichols turn to examine the actions of Florida Governor Ron DeSantis and Texas Governor Greg Abbott, who have both signed legislation banning private businesses and government entities from requiring proof of vaccination. Abbott proclaimed that "Texans should have the freedom to go where they want without any limits," while signing a law that actually limits what private businesses can require on their own property.
Nichols points out the profound irony: the Republican Party, which once championed private enterprise, property rights, and small government, now uses coercive government power to tell private citizens what they cannot do on their own premises. This represents a complete inversion of conservative principles. The party that once stood for ordered liberty now embraces what Nichols calls "anarchy" and "nihilism."
Sykes poses a thought experiment: imagine if modern-day Republicans were confronted with the original proposals to require driver's licenses or license plates on cars. With their current "don't tread on me" mentality, they would likely denounce these as government overreach, "papers please," or even "the mark of the beast." The discussion highlights how conservatism has been redefined from supporting order and liberty in balance to an infantile understanding of freedom as the right to do whatever one wants without any restrictions.
The cruise ship industry presents a particularly stark example. DeSantis insists that cruise lines cannot require proof of vaccination, even though the industry itself wants this option to reassure passengers they won't become "floating petri dishes." Nichols jokes that his biggest concern about an unvaccinated cruise from Florida would be getting trapped on a "ship full of assholes" trying to make each other sick to prove a political point.
The January 6th Senate Report and Republican Revisionism
The discussion shifts to the newly released 128-page Senate report on the January 6th insurrection, which notably includes the final 22 pages as simply a transcript of Donald Trump's speech that day. Neither Sykes nor Nichols expresses surprise at the findings—Trump clearly incited the attack and directed people toward the Capitol.
What does surprise them is the extent to which Republicans are now embracing the insurrectionists as victims. Senators Ron Johnson, Tommy Tuberville, Mike Lee, Rick Scott, and Ted Cruz sent a letter to Attorney General Merrick Garland requesting information on what they call the "unequal application of justice" for insurrectionists compared to Black Lives Matter protesters.
Nichols particularly calls out Mike Lee, whom he describes as an early target of his criticism for being "full of shit" about constitutional loyalty. Lee presents himself as a great constitutionalist, but when constitutional principles conflict with partisan goals, the Constitution always loses. The fact that these senators are so openly creating what amounts to "a Senate coalition for the legal defense of insurrectionists and seditionists" demonstrates how far Republican politicians will go to avoid angering their base.
George Will's observation resonates throughout this discussion: we now have a major American political party that is "terrified of its own voters."
Joe Manchin, HR1, and Democratic Political Incompetence
Sykes and Nichols turn their critical eye toward Democrats, particularly regarding Joe Manchin's obstruction of HR1 and other Democratic priorities. Nichols offers two perspectives on Manchin: first, if Democrats don't like his power, they should have elected more senators. Manchin has leverage because Democrats only have 50 senators, putting him and Kyrsten Sinema at the "fulcrum of power."
However, Manchin deserves criticism for playing "babe in the woods," claiming he's sure 10 Republicans could support various measures when Mitch McConnell has made clear this will never happen. After the January 6th commission couldn't get 10 Republican votes, Manchin's continued optimism about Republican cooperation seems either disingenuous or delusional.
Sykes expresses frustration with Democratic political strategy, particularly around HR1. The 800-page omnibus bill was never going to pass and wasn't written to pass. Democrats had multiple off-ramps to break it down or pursue alternatives like the John Lewis bill, but they didn't take them. A Democratic staffer revealed to the Washington Post that Manchin wasn't the only one with problems with the bill—"Fuck no"—he was just the front man.
The deeper problem, according to Nichols, is that Democrats are "terrible at the marshmallow test"—they can't delay gratification or take incremental wins. Republicans like Mitch McConnell play the long game, taking piece-by-piece victories over time. Democrats seem to believe they must deliver everything immediately or their base will abandon them, though Nichols questions where exactly that base would go: "They're going to vote for Ron DeSantis?"
Why Democrats Lose the Messaging War
Sykes and Nichols dig into why Democrats consistently lose the messaging battle despite Republicans offering more extreme and often demonstrably false positions. Republicans excel at picking enemies, coalescing around talking points, and maintaining message discipline. They focused relentlessly on Benghazi, Anthony Fauci, and now Kamala Harris while largely ignoring Joe Biden (whom they portray as a mere figurehead).
Democrats, by contrast, are "all over the place." They haven't focused on January 6th with anything approaching Republican intensity on their chosen issues. Part of this stems from what Nichols calls Democrats' addiction to "politics as self-actualization"—asking "what does this vote say about me?" rather than "what do I need to do to win?"
David Shore's analysis becomes central to their discussion: all politics are now national. When Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez says something, it doesn't just play in her D+55 district—it plays in Abigail Spanberger's swing district and Conor Lamb's competitive district. Democrats seem unable to grasp this reality or coordinate their messaging accordingly.
The "defund the police" slogan exemplifies Democratic messaging failure. When confronted about it, Democrats respond that "the right will call us socialists anyway, so we might as well do it." Nichols points out this makes them a "cooperative adversary"—playing directly into their opponents' attacks rather than resisting the frame.
Sykes and Nichols save their harshest criticism for the term "birthing people" replacing "mothers" or "women" in some Democratic communications. Regardless of the definitional merits, when holding the House by a thread and tied in the Senate while trying to pass infrastructure, why "pull the pin on a grenade" that will dominate conservative media and force Democrats to explain themselves? "If you're explaining, you're losing."
The Collapse of Standards Across the Political Spectrum
Throughout the conversation, Sykes and Nichols acknowledge they're "pissing everybody off," but they see this as necessary. Both parties have constructed alternative realities where they talk primarily to themselves rather than persuadable voters who will decide control of Congress.
Republicans have transformed from the party of Edmund Burke, ordered liberty, and intellectual rigor into a party where performative ignorance is celebrated and figures like Charlie Kirk can rake in millions despite having no expertise or education. Tucker Carlson won't correct obvious falsehoods because there are no standards in conservative media anymore—"you are uncancelable."
Democrats have their own problems with wishful thinking and "wish casting." They assured themselves that Kamala Harris attacking Joe Biden as potentially racist was "just politics" that everyone understood, when in reality it nearly cost her the vice presidency. They convince themselves that positions unpopular with swing voters are actually fine because "reasonable people" will understand what they really mean.
The podcast ends with Nichols noting that despite all their criticism of various political figures and movements, "tomorrow morning you and I will both wake up and we will not be Charlie Kirk." It's a humorous note, but also a serious one—maintaining intellectual standards, factual accuracy, and rigorous thinking still matters, even when the political incentives seem to reward the opposite.
Video Transcript
Welcome to The Bulwark Podcast. I'm
Charlie Sykes joined by our good friend
Professor Tom Nichols who has been up
since the crack of dawn. You had to get
up to do Morning Joe, so I appreciate
the fact that you're with us here on the
podcast and and not excessively cranky.
Yet. Yet. Yet. Okay, so
I was thinking about how to set the tone
for our discussion to put us both right
mood but you in the right mood. So,
let's start off with something from
Professor Charlie Kirk,
the the well-known historian. I'm
kidding of course.
See, now I'm cranky.
The
Charlie Kirk is an interesting
phenomenon because
he's a he's a college dropout who has
raked in millions of dollars for a group
called Turning Point USA which is what
70-year-old conservative donors think is
the coolest thing in the world for
getting young people to turn to the
right. And so, he is a ubiquitous figure
in Trump world
with with with his organization. And so,
the other day
he went on this this is what is this
like an internet thing that Tucker
Carlson does? It's sort of a
it's it's not his actual show. They just
sort of sit around and they videotape
and they put it online.
But but Charlie Kirk is is is sharing
his deep thoughts about the state of the
world and it's just too perfect, Tom.
It's just too good. Let's play Charlie
Kirk.
But I'm actually not I'm an optimist,
Tucker. I think that self-sovereignty
and determination is inevitable. I mean,
in 1945 there were 55 countries in the
world. There's more than 230. The trend
is micro-slicing yourself into a smaller
way to govern yourself cuz you think
that you have a certain custom or
language.
55 countries at the end of the Second
World War? That's according to Nigel
Farage.
I'll have to
triple-check that. Oh, that's
interesting. Yeah, but let's pretend
it's 100. Let's just for argument's
sake.
Um cuz I I never want to say anything
that's untrue, but he just said that
yesterday on my podcast and it struck me
as so
interesting. And it's probably true when
you think about it because It's yeah,
the times of Churchill made a heavy
impact. Well, the colonial in India and
Southern Africa, right? So, it's
probably right. India became three three
countries, right? India, Pakistan,
Bangladesh. That's right. So, and
Churchill never thought India could work
and we'll see if it does. But the trend
is actually towards
less global totalitarianism, not more.
Okay, so there there were there were
Wow.
I thought that I I actually I you know,
I 55 countries, yeah. Yeah, I I'd heard
I'd seen on Twitter that there was some,
you know, Charlie Kirk said something
stupid thing floating around on Twitter,
but I I
that I'm actually now less cranky
because there was no way not to laugh
through that.
But you know,
if we're going to dredge this for a
an important point about
our old movement and our former comrades
and former party, it's that when did
stupid become cool? Yeah. Um
because this isn't even just the kind
of, you know,
mistake of a tired mistake of, you know,
saying that there are 57 states or that,
you know, you're in Vermont when you're
in New Hampshire after a long day of
campaigning. This is this is like
you know, rock-solid stupidity. Yeah.
We've gone from we've gone from Edmund
Burke to Charlie Kirk, right? We've gone
from, you know, William F. Buckley Jr.
to Charlie Kirk. So, I love the sourcing
on all of this.
I don't know this is
I don't know that yeah. So, so okay, but
but okay, I I do a I do a podcast.
You've done lots of interviews. So,
there's Tucker Carlson who's a
reasonably well-educated guy who knows
that it's complete [ __ ] that there's
55. But he goes he's sitting there and
Charlie Kirk is pulling this totally out
of his ass. And and Tucker Carlson goes,
"Huh?"
55 countries,
interesting. Not like wait wait,
Charlie, I don't want to embarrass you
and myself by doing this. This is
complete [ __ ] By the way, if
somebody says this on on this podcast,
we're going to say, "No, I'm sorry.
That's just not true." But but
Tucker Carlson can't call out the
stupid. This is the thing. He's not
willing to say,
"Charlie, I know you didn't finish
school and you've never read a book in
your life, but no, that's not true."
But then it gets better where it's like,
"No, that well, no, that's that's what
Nigel Farage said
said on my podcast yesterday." So,
In my head listening to the audio, all I
could see was Tucker's constipated face.
You know, I I I
Right, he's got that kind of, you know,
the dog tilting his head sort of he's
thinking real hard look. And and you
know, again, let's the point of this is
not to denigrate people that don't have
a college education. I think the point
is to denigrate people who don't know
[ __ ] from Shinola.
And they don't know what they don't
know. So, stop them from talking about
important things as if they know what
they're talking about. Well, you then
that's that's what's interesting is that
is that Charlie Kirk's
pretty good example of of the of this
loop of misinformation and crazy which
is I heard from some guy. It's pretty
that is kind of Trumpy, right? He's
like, "Some guy."
are saying there were 55 countries. Many
people are saying and I you know, I I
don't want to say anything that's not
true, so I should triple-check that as
opposed to doing what I just did.
Well, you know, the
if we're if and if we're going to, you
know, if we're going to decide to
have a good laugh here because it was
impossible not to, he's also
misunderstanding why there were fewer
countries. It's because there were, you
know, empires.
Um you know, that uh colonial powers.
Yeah, you know, it's like, "Well, there
were far fewer countries in Africa."
Well, yes, there was a reason for that.
And he he uses he says, "Well, you know,
self-sovereignty is not Well, first of
all, sovereignty by definition is
self-sovereignty. There's no such thing
as anything other than self-sovereignty.
But he's trying to make some kind of
larger point about countries and nations
and states governing themselves. And in
the end, the 55 countries thing, that's
really a small and forgivable bit of
dumbassery in the middle of this. The
bigger problem is he has no idea what
he's talking about or why he's talking
about it.
Okay, that's become the thing. It's
like, "Look, I I think I have to make a
point about countries and globalization
and nations and states and so, I'm just
going to keep talking while Tucker
Carlson, you know, looks like he's kind
of straining away going, 'Interesting,
isn't that something? Do go on.'" Yeah,
that's do do go on. I mean, again,
there's always the option when someone
says something like this, you can edit
the tape or you're not you don't put it
up on that. They don't they don't care.
It does just doesn't matter anymore. I
mean, this is this is the wonderful
thing about being a right-wing media
personality. There are no consequences.
There are no standards. You are
uncancelable. I mean, that's kind of a
that's kind of liberating, right? I
mean, you can say anything
and They're for the experience. They're
not there to learn. They're not there to
debate. They're not there They're not
there to have a discussion. They're not
there to be kind of prodded into
thinking about things. They're there
They remind me of the
the scene in an otherwise really bad
movie in The Big Chill, the old boomer
classic where
a really stoned William Hurt is watching
a movie and he has no idea what it is.
And finally, after he gets asked enough
times, he says, "Look, man, sometimes
you have to just let art flow over you."
And I think that's become conservative
media. You know, it's like, "Look, I
don't even know what this is about. I
just know that Laura Ingraham or, you
know, is really mad and Charlie Kirk's
on a rip and Sean Hannity is chewing on
his pencil and throwing a football
around and, you know, losing his mind
and it just all feels good." And you
sometimes you just have to let it flow
over you. Okay, so let's talk about
politics. Let's get into something deep
and serious, okay? Um we'll work up to
the insurrection and democracy and all
of those other things. But I find it
very interesting what's going on in
Florida and Texas where they're kind of
in a race for one another to who can be
the most anti anti-vaccination or at
least anti-vaccination passports.
Greg Abbott, the governor of Texas,
following the lead of Ron DeSantis in
Florida yesterday signed legislation
that would ban private businesses or
governmental entities from requiring any
sort of a proof of vaccination from
either their employees or their
customers. Let's just play about 40
seconds of Texas Governor Greg Abbott.
Texas is open 100%.
And we want to make sure that you have
the freedom to go where you want without
limits. Any. The Texas legislature
passed a law that I am about to sign
that prohibits vaccine passports in
Texas.
No business or government entity can
require a person to provide a vaccine
passport or any other vaccine
information as a condition of receiving
any service or entering any place.
I want to thank the Texas legislature
for getting this bill to my desk.
So, Tom Nichols, interesting spin on the
concept of small government and freedom.
Yeah,
you know, if you want to know what the
United States would look like in a
completely Republican-dominated
government, it's
you know, it's executives sitting behind
a desk like Trump did saying, "I hereby
decree
that you are not the boss of me.
Yeah. Um,
but, you know, imagine the being This is
This is great if you're a more freedom
guy,
um, but not so great if you're a
business. This basically says, um, you
know, why doesn't he just as and a lot
of folks, you know, went after Abbott on
social media in a kind of laughing way
about it, but there's a serious point
behind it. Why not just say, um, you
can't put up the no shirt, no shoes, no
service sign.
Who are you to tell me I can't walk into
a restaurant barefoot? Why can't I, you
know, sit down for dinner, uh,
shirtless?
Um, you know, why not? Since when did
Since when did Since when did private
businesses have rights?
Well, this is what's interesting about
it because
they're, you know, pushing this all on
the don't tread on me freedom agenda,
but it's really it's kind of morphed
into this again use of coercive
government power to
protect what the citizenry from the
tyranny of health mandates by Waffle
House because I mean somebody might
actually some business might decide that
it's in the interest of my business, my
employees, my customers to to have this
kind of requirement. So, here's an a
party that has claimed that it was
pro-private enterprise, private
property, pro-business, small
government. And here's a big government
mandate telling private citizens what
they can't do on their own premises.
Yes, it's I mean it is anti-conservative
in every way. The Republicans have
become the party of of
First, I think the Republicans are now
neck and neck with the Democrats for
becoming the the nanny staters of all
time.
Um, but it's also become the party of
coercive government power for culture
war ends. This isn't This is no
different and in some ways far more
dangerous because it involves a
pathogen, it involves a pandemic. This
is no different than some of the things
that you would expect to see out of a,
you know, left-wing city council in
California or or, you know, in,
in a college town. Except that it's done
with, you know, kind of a Texas twang
and it's done with a sense of freedom
and it's it's just red meat aimed at
people whose understanding of democracy
and freedom is at the level of a toddler
who says, I have the right to pull my
shoes off, you know, or pee and poop
anywhere I want to because I am free in
the way that, you know, animals are
free. I I I I want to make a point that
is only partially snarky. And actually I
think it's 60/40 not snarky, but I'm
reading Governor, you know, Abbott's
comments. Texans should have the freedom
to go where they want without any
limits, restrictions, or requirements.
Which sounds great. But does he actually
mean that? No, no. Okay, so here's my
thought experiment. All right, and I
tried this in my newsletter this
morning. And I I I
I actually hope people will spend at
least like 30 seconds thinking about it.
Okay, so imagine the modern-day Abbotts
and DeSantises of the world. How they
would react to original proposals, for
example, to require people to carry
driver's licenses.
Or put license plates on their cars if
they have the ability to go wherever
they want to do without any restrictions
whatsoever. I mean, I can sort of
imagine if this came up now it would be
mark of the beast. See, they're trying
to require papers, please don't tread on
me. I'm really not kidding here. Now,
think about it. Think about this this
mentality. If we were starting over and
people said, okay, you can drive a car,
we can go anywhere, but you know what,
you're going to have to have a number on
the plate so the government will know
who you are, you have to register that
car, and you have to carry an
identification card with you that shows
that you know how to use that car. Oh my
god, these people would lose their
freaking minds. It's It's a It's a
It's the return of the paranoid style in
American politics.
Um, but even more than that, it is a
complete redefinition of everything that
we ever understood to be conservative.
You know,
you get this all the time as I do about
Oh, you know, you conservatives are
always wrong and conservatism is always
bad and it's just such a tiresome and
annoying,
uh, you know, drumbeat. But,
when people say, well, what what was it?
You know, what did you guys stand for?
Well, for one thing, conservatism always
stood for order versus kind of entropy
or anarchy, right? I mean, this is where
there was the authoritarian streak in
conservatism because conservatives said,
you know, an orderly society, a place
where, you know, people do have to have
license plates on their cars. And of
course, in the '60s, you know, in the
'50s and '60s, it was people on the left
saying, hey, man, you know, you can't
license me. You know, I'm too free. I'm
too, you know, I'm a spirit of the
world, man. I don't carry a license.
But, conservatives were the ones who
said, no, you know, cars have to have be
identifiable and you have to be licensed
to drive one and, you know, there was
this kind of innate conservative notion
that order is good. Now, conservatism
means
It's It's Conservatism is anarchy. It's
It's It's nihilism. It's, you know, my
freedom is completely without limits and
if I want to walk in with four guns. I
don't know if anybody saw the picture on
Twitter, the guy walking around with
four guns strapped to him, um, you know,
to make the point that he could walk
into a store with open carry. Um, you
know, that's that's become the new
symbol of I'm going to use little air
quotes here, conservatism, uh, because
conservatism means pissing everyone off
because I can because mentally I'm 3
years old. Yeah, I I don't know if I
even want to use the word conservative
to describe
that, but you know, conservatism used to
have you be described as, you know, the
belief in ordered liberty. Now, that's a
balance, ordered liberty. Um, people
might say, well, that's a contradiction
of terms. No, not at not at all. You
know, that that that is the conservative
sensibility was you balance order with
liberty. You don't go one way or the
other way. And of course, that balance
is completely is completely gone right
now. Just just like the balance between
the needs of society and the community
need to be balanced against individual
freedom. That that the balance. Right
now, it's like, you know, [ __ ] the
community. If I want to do this, I'm
going to do whatever I want. So,
give me I'm going to get your sense
because you you are of course, famous
for your deep thoughts about the
etiquette of flying on airplanes and
everything.
Ron Ron DeSantis is going all in and
saying that none of the cruise ships
should be able to require any sort of
proof of of vaccination. Uh, and the
cruise Interestingly enough, the cruise
ship industries are going, wait, wait,
wait, wait. We kind of want to get back
going and this would help us if we could
assure our passengers that we wouldn't
become a floating petri dish dish of
pandemic. So, would you would you get on
a cruise ship, anytime soon this year? I
mean, you want to get back to life,
right? No, and I I mean, I I am not a
cruise ship guy to begin with. Um, I'm
But, if I had to be on a cruise ship, if
somebody said, you know, uh, we'd like
you to, I don't know, do a speaking gig
or, you know, all
I don't know I don't know. You know, you
you need to get from Boston to Florida
and all the airplanes are gone and you
have to I I'm vaccinated. I wouldn't
worry about it. But, uh, as I said on
Twitter, my biggest
My biggest concern would be that a boat
full of unvaccinated people from Florida
would be by definition being trapped on
a ship full of [ __ ]
Um, and so I I, you know, I just
wouldn't want to have to socialize with
a bunch of, you know, people
It was a movie, wasn't it? Ship of
[ __ ]
It's famous.
See, I think the other And if not, there
should be But, you know, that they're
going A bunch of people trying to make
each other sick to make a point. And
DeSantis, this is why DeSantis is, you
know, the among the worst of the worst.
He's He has broken the code. He's like,
Yeah. I can do performative, uh, as you
and I have often called it, performative
assholery and do these dumb things and
throw these to the throw this red meat
to the rubes who don't, you know, don't
know any better and don't care.
And, um, you know, and I'll be president
that way. And it actually might work for
him. And it might work. I did see one
point that I thought was actually pretty
interesting reason not to get on a
cruise ship under these circumstances,
which is that, you know, even though
you're vaccinated and you you won't get
sick, the fact is that if you are on a
cruise ship with a thousand other people
who are not vaccinated, there's a
possibility that they could infect one
another and that you would be caught in
a quarantine. And that you would be one
of the people who'd be caught up, right?
Um, you know, you know, stuck 3 miles
out while they, you know, do all the
testing and everything. And of course,
if you hold up your your your vaccine
passport, what, you're not supposed to
look at that? I don't I don't know.
So, No, it would be it would be a
nightmare, but again, does the governor
of Florida care? He wanted to get out I
mean, I'm sure he's vaccinated and I'm
sure that, you know, he's not planning
on spending 10 days on a cruise ship.
But, it he it made for a great, uh,
moment, right? To stand up and say, look
at me defending, uh, you know,
I mean, these guys issue these these
edicts and ukases as if they are reading
the Universal Declaration of the Rights
of Man,
um, when in fact, all they're doing is
just throwing, um,
big T-bones of stupid, uh, to their to
their to their base. And it's it's
appalling.
All right, so we have breaking news
today, uh, and I I will I'm going to
confess that I have not had a chance to
to read the whole thing. Uh, the This is
the the new findings from the Senate uh
Senate report. Um it apparently it's a
128-page uh Senate report about the
January 6th. Interestingly enough, the
final 22 pages of this 128-page
Senate report on the insurrection is
just a transcript of Donald Trump's
speech on the day of the of the attack
on the Capitol. It's kind of
interesting, isn't it?
Well,
I I I mean
you know, much like the the audio that
was just released with um Rudy Giuliani.
Mhm. You know, are all the things that
we suspected? Did anybody really think
these things were not going to be
uh turn out to be true?
Um you know, that that uh
that Trump incited this insurrection and
directed people to go
where they were going.
Um of course that was going to be the
case.
And it of course it was the case that
Rudy called Ukraine and said uh you
know, uh if you were to play ball, some
good stuff, I mean a friend of mine
could make a friend of yours that thing
could happen. I don't want to say what
that thing is, but it's a thing and you
want it and you know, um these guys were
a bunch of mafia goons. They knew
exactly what they were doing. Trump knew
what he was doing. The Senate knew what
Trump was doing and that's what makes
the behavior of the Senate Republicans
even all the more shameful.
You also saw that uh the my my home
state senator Ron Johnson along with
Tommy Tuberville, Mike Lee, Rick Scott,
and Ted Gru Ted Cruz all sent a letter
yesterday to the Attorney General
Merrick Garland requesting information
on what they call the unequal
application of justice for the
insurrectionists and the Black Lives
Matter protesters last summer. So, once
again, we're we're we're seeing this
extraordinary revisionism.
I will say that among the things that I
did not totally expect was the way in
which larger and larger portions of the
Republican Party are embracing the
insurrectionists as somehow victims,
victims of an overweening uh federal
government that that they that they in
fact are being persecuted. I I I thought
a lot of things would happen. I This is
This is an interesting development,
isn't it? Interesting in quotes. Well,
I'm I'm just going to say that I you
know, was an early adopter on calling
out Mike Lee as being full of [ __ ] about
his loyalty to the Constitution.
Um you know, that that was Oh, the great
constitutionalist from Utah. Um you
know, and I just thought that was always
a lot of um
um you know, um
He's one of my camouflage
uh you know, for the fact that if though
if constitutional principles ever came
into conflict with things that Mike Lee
thinks are good, that the Constitution
would be
uh the victim of that of that collision.
And so no, it doesn't you know, I I
think what's surprising me is that they
are saying it so bluntly. Uh
you know, uh instead of saying, "Look,
uh we're not holding Trump responsible
for this, but the people who attacked
the Capitol must be brought to justice
because we are a nation of laws." You
know, the the things we would have
expected normal people to say in any
party in previous years are now simply
um not available in you know, it's like
the brains of Republicans elected
Republicans cannot process those words.
And so instead it's like, "Hey, here's a
good idea. Why don't we all get together
and basically being like a Senate
coalition for the legal defense of
insurrectionists and seditionists?"
Because again, they're I mean I think
Charlie, you you you know Ron Johnson
better than anybody. I mean John I I
think Johnson is actually stupid and
believes all this, but I think with with
Cruz and Scott and you know, um Lee I
think they know exactly what they're
doing and they're saying this is what
you know, again, they live in fear. A
George Will had a great line about a
month ago. Uh this is a new phenomenon
in American politics, an American a
great American political party, a once
great party that is terrified of its own
voters. Yeah.
That's literally true. Okay, let's make
everybody mad. Uh since we've gotten
this far into the podcast, let's talk
about Joe Manchin and HR1 and uh what
the Democrats are doing on on on Capitol
Hill. So, first of all, give me your
take on on on Joe Manchin. Um I I I I I
I was actually amused by some of the
people actually amused as in I think
they made an interesting point saying,
"You know how Democrats right now are
feeling about Joe Manchin? There were a
lot of conservative Republicans who felt
that way about Joe
John McCain a few years back." And John
McCain was considered a maverick, an
independent, a courageous lone voice.
Joe Manchin's not getting that treatment
right now, is he?
No, and you know, I'll I'll give you two
versions of Joe Manchin. One is the you
know, why everybody is mad at him and
the other is why everybody shouldn't be
mad at him. Um you know, first if you
don't like Joe Manchin what Joe
Manchin's doing, the answer for
Democrats is
uh elect more senators.
Joe Manchin has the power he does
because you know,
you Democrats fell short when you should
have been rolling.
Uh you know, thank goodness you pulled
off uh Georgia, but you know, the reason
Joe Manchin is in the catbird seat here
is because you only have 50 senators and
that you know, is going to put Manchin
and Sinema and others um at the fulcrum
of power the way it always does when you
have a divided Senate. The the the least
ideologically committed or the most
least ideologically pure members of your
coalition or caucus will be the
kingmakers. And you know, this is
Republicans are not immune to this. Um
here's a name from the past for you,
Charlie. Jim Jeffords. Mhm. Um you know,
Republican from Vermont who people said,
"The guy is such a liberal, you know,
and he ought to just vote with the
Democrats." And one day Jim Jeffords
said, "You know what?"
Yeah. Yeah, I guess I will.
And so you know, before you get too mad
at Joe Manchin
Senate control flipped as a result of
that. Yeah.
And and Jeffords uh you know, again to
use another great movie line from LA
Confidential, Jeffords made his play. He
got what he wanted. Is uh you know, he
he knew what he was doing. Um so you
know, if you want to play that game with
Joe Manchin, then keep practicing the
words Senate Majority Leader Mitch
McConnell again and see how you feel
about that. The place where I think
Manchin gets a lot of legitimate static
is that he kind of plays this babe in
the woods thing about saying, "Well, I'm
sure 10 other Republicans out there, you
know, that there must be besides Mitt
Romney. I mean I'm sure we could just
you know, I'm shocked shocked that we
can't get to a bipartisan resolution."
And this is I think where I can totally
understand the frustration of Democrats
who want to grab Manchin by the lapels
and say,
"Look, either you're either you're being
disingenuous or you're being stupid.
Which is it? Because this is never going
to happen. The you are not going to
Mitch McConnell has already made his
choice. You are not going to get 10
Republicans for anything."
You know, you could pass the you could
pass the you know, uh the the the
motherhood and apple pie, you know,
co-sponsored by Jesus Christ themself
and
Well, that was the January 6th
commission. If you If you can't get 10
votes for the January 6th commission,
that ought to be kind of the red flag
this is not going to happen. I love the
quote over the weekend. It was something
like Manchin said something like, "Well,
he's still optimistic that that
Republicans, you know, his Republican
colleagues would look into their souls
and realize they needed to do X, Y, or
Z." And my reaction to that was um
Senator Manchin, uh they've been looking
into their souls for the last 4 years
and they've come up empty over and over
and over again. Why do you think it's
going to be different this time? Yeah,
or or they've even worse, they've looked
into their souls and there is this, you
know, kind of howling evil voice that
says, "Do it, you know."
You'll get away with it. Okay, so here
here's the problem and this is where I'm
I'm getting a little bit frustrated um
and and I'll get blowback for this, but
you know, the Democrats sometimes are
very bad at politics. I'm sorry to say
this. The whole HR1 thing, um this bill
was never going to pass. There was never
a chance it was going to pass. It wasn't
written to pass. You don't have an
800-page omnibus bill like that, you
know, to jam through on a on a on a
partisan basis. And yet they've had all
sorts of off-ramps to break it down, to
come up with different alternatives, to
go with the John Lewis bill. And so Joe
Manchin in a sense just simply called
out the political reality. And I do
wonder whether or not there's there's
there's an element of delusion going on
in the Democrats that with a four-vote
margin in the House and no vote margin
in the Senate that you know, let's go
pedal to the metal. You know, the
progressives are saying they're fed up
with all the pussyfooting around. It's
time to go you know, it's go time. Go
time where? What What are you talking
about?
revealing Yeah. The most revealing
comment on this was a was a Democratic
staffer uh in the Washington Post
who said, "Do you think Manchin was the
only guy who had a problem with this?"
And his exact quote was, "Fuck no." No.
Uh that
the front guy on that. Yeah. He's just
the front guy on that. And I think there
there's a couple of things going on
here. One is Republic Republicans are so
uh afraid of their own base that they do
crazy stuff. Democrats I think don't
trust their base to keep showing up
unless they can shovel goodies,
you know, by the wagon load out the
front door. They keep saying things
like, "But if we don't do all these
things, and we don't show that Biden can
deliver on all these things, then our
base, you know, and and my answer is,
your base is what? What? They're going
to vote for Ron DeSantis for president?
I mean, what does that mean, your base
will be
uh concerned? Um you know, this was I
think this is the one huge difference in
how Republicans and Democrats do
politics.
Now, Republicans grumble and they say,
"Yeah, I didn't get what I wanted." And,
you know, I mean, with Reagan, I mean,
you know, again, you and I are both old
enough to remember Reagan in '84 and the
evangelicals. We didn't get prayer in
school, we didn't get abortion banned,
we didn't get this. And the Reagan
staffer who said, "Screw them. What are
they going to do? Vote for Mondale?" And
of course, and they all came back and
they all voted for Reagan because, you
know, grumble, grumble, they weren't
going to vote for Mondale.
Um Well, there was no there was there
was no conservative talk radio in '84.
There was no Fox News in 1984. There was
no um, you know, the vast grifter
outrage industry out there that was, you
know, willing to to, you know, stoke
descent back then. So, that was that was
actually a much a kinder and gentler era
for a conservative president back in 19
also, I think you had stronger
conservative leaders who would have
said, "No, I don't take my marching
orders from a guy on AM radio."
Right. Um you know, that that I think it
just the idea, you know, that Rush
Limbaugh was going to tell Ronald Reagan
what to do is pretty funny.
Um but the Democrats are perpetually
terrified that if they don't somehow
pull off everything all at once. And
there's also I I think,
you know, Joy Reid of all people, when
talking to our friend Tim Miller
yesterday, was like, "Why don't
Democrats get this?"
Uh and I think Democrats are terrible at
the marshmallow test.
Um one of the great Wait, wait, what
what is the marshmallow test?
Well, the marshmallow test is that test
they give to kids where you can have one
marshmallow when I come back in the room
if you don't touch the one that's here
now. And of course, you know, it's a
test of impulsive behavior, right? That
the kids gobble up the marshmallow and
they go, "Okay, I I ate it." You know,
um they're bad at incremental wins and
taking a kind of longer view. Guys like
McConnell, I always say to Democrats, be
like Mitch. He plays the long game. He
takes his incremental wins. He picks the
things he knows he can win, and he
twists the arms of his coalition to make
sure he gets them, and he does it in
pieces over time.
Whereas, I think Democrats have this
notion of, "Well, we're in power, and we
will never not be in power,
and so we'll just kind of, you know, as
you say, put the pedal to the metal." Uh
but
I I just think that that is always a
short-sighted approach to to politics.
And I think they I don't know why they
don't get it except that they are
constantly worried that their own
coalition is so fractious and unreliable
that if they don't have constant
um
constant victories on everything that
their coalition goes home and watches
TV, which I think is unfortunate. Yeah,
I I I do think that there's a a strain
of pragmatism in the Democratic Party
that obviously resulted in Joe Biden
being the nominee as opposed to uh as
opposed to Bernie Sanders. But uh
I think part of it was the story that
they were telling themselves. They were
telling themselves that uh that they
were triumphant, that everything they
were doing was massively popular, that
they didn't need to worry about things
like defund police or urban violence or
any of those things, and they continue
to tell themselves that.
even Biden was a near run thing for a
while. Very much so. You know,
As as we now know. Yes. You know, the
the the the book on the Allen and
Partons book on, you know, the Biden
campaign, for example,
um you know, Jim Clyburn saved the
country. I mean, because the Democrats
were having these big arguments about,
"Well, should it be Bernie? Should it be
Elizabeth Warren?" I mean, they were
sitting around thinking about the least
electable people. I and I think Here,
let me since you've gotten out on a limb
to try and piss everybody off, I can't
leave you out there by yourself. So, I
will say
that in part, what I think happens with
Democrats is they are very much addicted
to the notion of politics as
self-actualization.
That they make political dis their
voters, and I I mean, particularly their
voters, say, "What does this vote say
about me?
Does it make me feel good to vote this
way?" They are not a party
The Republicans have really mastered the
art of holding their noses and gritting
their teeth and saying, "Look, I want to
win. I want my guy to win. I want the
Republican Party to win, and I want, you
know, Kevin McCarthy to be the House
Speaker, and I want Mitch McConnell to
be running the Senate."
I don't think the Democrats have gotten
to that kind of level of party
discipline
where they are capable of saying, "This
makes me feel bad, but I have to do it
anyway." Well, let's double down on this
uh pissing people off thing because the
other the other thing that that
um the Democrats are not as good at as
Republicans is is is picking their
enemies and coming up with their talking
points. Um you know, it is interesting,
you know, to watch how the right
coalesces around, "We're going to go
after Anthony Fauci now." You know,
Fauci-ism. This is going to be our
thing. We're going to pound this, pound
this, pound this. Like they did with
with Benghazi. Like they like they are
doing now with Kamala Harris. And by the
way, you notice that part of the
strategy, the you know, you know,
socialist left wing um, you know,
Democrats is to kind of ignore Biden,
say that he's simply a a uh you know, a
puppet a a puppet a a figurehead, and
the real power is Kamala Harris, who,
let's be honest, does not have all of
his political skills. She's not She's
kind of having a rough patch here, and
so they're all focusing on that.
Whereas, Democrats are kind of all over
the place. They have not focused on
January 6th, for example, in the way
that Republicans used to focus on things
like Benghazi. The Republicans are
better at at naming at at fixing and
freezing their target and their enemy.
Whereas, Democrats feel like they're
kind of all over the place.
Right. Do you agree or not? I Absolutely
agree. And, you know, the I I mean, I've
had Democrats tell me, "Well, we're not
like you. You know, we're not We don't
take orders. Um you know, we don't march
in step, and we don't do message
discipline." Well, that's not
necessarily an inherently conservative
or Republican thing. I mean, you have
guys like David Shore, um you know, some
a gong I keep trying to bang every
chance I get about David Shore saying,
"Look, all all politics, you know, used
to be the the Tip O'Neill rule, all
politics local. All politics are
national now. And what you do in these D
plus 55 districts washes over onto
people in these, you know, D plus one or
R plus two districts. And so, you guys
have to talk to each other, and you have
to get some kind of clarity. And I think
you're right, Charlie, you said earlier,
it was like it was a story they told
themselves that no, no, defund the
police. No one No one misunderstands
that.
Um you know, no one could possibly
disagree with that. You know, one of the
interesting um
I was right stories that I'll just,
since we're, you know, tripling and
quadrupling down on pissing people off,
I said, you know, that that Joe Biden
might be a racist attack from Harris.
That's going to That's going to leave a
mark.
And I was reliably assured by very
serious liberals, "No, no, everybody
understands just politics. They're
friends. They were in the Senate." Oh,
but
well, from what we now know, that nearly
cost her the spot. That that they looked
for a lot of other people
um for the VP spot because the Biden
people didn't want Harris there
specifically because of that. And
Democrats have this this wish wishful
thinking, this wish casting of, "No, no,
you can attack Joe Biden as a racist,
but then tomorrow it'll all be bygones.
Or we can say defund the police, but all
the all the reasonable people understand
that what we really mean is, you know,
don't hurt people." And I mean, it's
just it's almost like a childlike
in the same way that Republicans can
only understand freedom as, "You know, I
want to I I am free to smear poop on the
walls." Democrats seem to understand
politics as,
"If it makes me feel good, it can't be
wrong, and everyone will agree with me."
Well, you know, going back to this David
Shore point, which which I don't think
can be overemphasized, which is that all
this politics all politics now are are
national. Uh the reality is that things
that AOC says play in every single
district. She's not just running in her
own district. It's playing in Abigail
Spanberger's district. It's It's It's
playing in Conor Lamb's district. It's
playing everywhere at the same time. So,
that's the reality. And uh
I I again, I I think this is part of the
problem of that both sides
People hate that phrase, both sides, but
both sides now have their alternative
realities. And when you begin talking to
one another, you know, so so intently,
you probably are missing what voters who
are going to decide who controls
Congress are actually hearing from you.
And there've been a number of studies
from Democrats. This this latest study
from this Democratic group warning
Democrats that, "Hey, you know, you you
um you might have problems if in fact
voters continue to think that Democratic
brand brand is letting your city burn,
and you're going to take away all your
money. Uh you need to do something about
that." Now, that's not true. I
understand that it's not true, and I'm
going to get all these emails saying,
"Charlie, you don't understand. We don't
actually think that." Look, politics is
also about communicating. It's also
about the messaging. And it's also about
the consequences of your ideas. Now, the
flip side of this is that Republicans
need to be held accountable um and need
to be called out for every one of their
crazies. It's just that it appear the
right seems to be better at
nationalizing the the the excesses of
the left more than the Democrats are
successful at weaponizing the crazy, the
dangerous, the seditious stuff on the
right. Am I wrong about it? Is that just
my perspective on it? I just I You're
not You're not wrong and um you know,
I think the
tagline for today's podcast is Tom and
Charlie piss off everybody. Well, yeah.
Um this is what we do. The other problem
is that
the Democrats seem they almost seem to
be helpless in the face of the
conservative media machine. So, when you
say things to them like, "Look, don't
don't use dumb slogans like defund the
police." They say, "Well, the rightists
are going to call us socialists anyway,
so we might as well do it." And it's
like,
You know, in in the in the study of
strategy and
as always I have to add I don't
represent the government or anybody, you
know, by being here. In the study of
strategy,
you don't want to be what's called a
cooperative adversary.
You don't want to be the adversary who
constantly plays into your enemies'
tricks and snares and traps. And the
Democrats are like, "Well, they're going
to do it They're going to call us
socialists anyway, so let's go for
socialism." Well, don't be the thing
that your opponents are trying to tar
you with.
And so, they kind of give up on their
own messaging. Um but then they they
even kind of go um
further with this because they're they
they decide that if messaging doesn't
matter,
then um it's okay to say things like
birthing people instead of women.
okay. This is like great minds think
alike. This is
literally what I was about to say. We we
Look, I mean, can I just make this
suggestion? We need the complete and
total ban on the term birthing people. I
mean, really. Aside from Let us leave
aside for a moment whether or not this
term makes any sense at all. Let us
leave this as a completely
Let us be completely value neutral about
the definitional issue of the term
birthing people. The real question is,
when you have the house by a thread,
when you are completely tied in the
Senate, and you are trying to pass an
infrastructure bill, do you want to pull
the pin on a grenade called birthing
people that then becomes the thing that
your opponents will talk about, and then
is and then you end up having to talk
about it. And Charlie,
you know, how many times do we have to
tell people? What's the rule in
politics? If you're explaining,
you're losing.
You are.
Tom Nichols, thank you so much for all
your time today even though we managed
to piss everybody off, but that that's
what we do, right? I mean, That's what
we do. That's our brand. What What is
the point of doing these things if
occasionally we don't rub people,
including ourselves, the wrong way? It's
It's good for It gets It gets the the
heartbeat up and you know, it's good
good for you. Gets the gets the cortisol
flowing, so
But the But the good news is that
tomorrow morning you and I will both
wake up and we will not be Charlie Kirk.
So, I mean, that's that's there's
there's that. Hey, thank you all for
listening to today's Bullwark podcast.
I'm Charlie Sykes. We will be back
tomorrow and we'll do this all over
again.