John Papola Explores How the Left Abandoned Traditional Values and Why Former Democrats Are Switching Sides

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John Papola Explores How the Left Abandoned Traditional Values and Why Former Democrats Are Switching Sides

John Papola traces the historical roots of left versus right politics from the French Revolution to today, examining why prominent figures like Elon Musk, Tulsi Gabbard, and RFK Jr. have abandoned the Democratic Party. Through analyzing everything from the Reign of Terror to modern polling data, Papola argues that the contemporary left has become unmoored from the values it once shared with conservatives, family, faith, hard work, and personal responsibility. He contends that without identifying markers of pathological extremism, the left has allowed radicalism to flourish unchecked, creating a dangerous asymmetry in American politics where violence is increasingly seen as acceptable and fundamental institutions like family are under attack.

September 26, 2025

The Party That Left Its People Behind

A recurring theme echoes through American politics: "I didn't leave the Democratic Party; the Democratic Party left me." This sentiment, expressed by everyone from everyday voters to prominent political figures, points to a fundamental shift in what it means to be on the left in America. Colin Wright's viral meme tracking political positions from 2008 to 2025 illustrates this drift visually—showing how someone holding identical views over time would find themselves labeled increasingly right-wing simply by standing still while the left moved farther away.

Wright and his girlfriend, both California liberals who voted Democrat, found themselves called anti-LGBT, transphobe, bigot, racist, Nazi, fascist, far-right, extremist, authoritarian, white supremacist, and members of a hate group. Their offense? Stating that biological sex is real, questioning gender-affirming care, and criticizing DEI initiatives. The accusations didn't come from internet trolls but from mainstream journalists, Democratic politicians, prominent activists, and organizations like the Southern Poverty Law Center, GLAAD, and the ACLU.

The 2024 political landscape revealed something remarkable: the Democrats who won the election were Elon Musk, Tulsi Gabbard, Donald Trump, and RFK Jr.—all former Democrats. This exodus from the Democratic Party isn't new. It echoes Ronald Reagan, who famously said he became a Republican not because the parties were alike, but because they were different.

When Traditional Values Became Radical

In the 1990s, Bill Clinton delivered speeches that today would be labeled far-right fascism by current standards. He spoke about values learned growing up in the South: hard work, family, faith, responsibility, and concern for others. He promised to end welfare as we know it and restore dignity through work. These weren't fringe positions—they were mainstream Democratic politics.

What happened? How did affirming hard work, family, faith, and personal responsibility become coded as right-wing extremism? For those who came of age in earlier decades, modern politics feel disorienting because these values were table stakes across the political spectrum. Only the fringes rejected patriotism, family, and personal responsibility. That's no longer true, and Americans are grappling with what this means.

The French Revolution and the Birth of Left and Right

Understanding today's political divide requires examining where the terms "left" and "right" originated: the French Revolution. Those seated to the right of the general assembly favored the status quo, tradition, and existing hierarchies including the monarchy and clergy. Those seated to the left wanted radical change and a more egalitarian society. The common man, depicted in political cartoons of the era, was crushed under the weight of aristocrats and clerics who rode him to their benefit and his detriment.

The French Revolution's rallying cry—liberty, equality, and fraternity—sounds similar to America's life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. But the revolutions diverged dramatically. The American Revolution sought to throw off distant power to preserve existing society and allow it to flourish. The French Revolution was a domestic overthrow attempting to remake society entirely.

America's founding fathers split on the French Revolution. Alexander Hamilton and John Adams worried it was too egalitarian, too utopian, too violent, and too dangerous. Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and Thomas Paine were excited by this transformation. Who was right? The French Revolution descended into the Reign of Terror, during which Robespierre and the Jacobins executed up to 20,000 people. Even Robespierre himself was eventually overthrown and executed in 1794. By 1799, Napoleon returned from military adventures to install himself as emperor. The radical left's utopian dreams had failed spectacularly.

What American Founders Understood That French Revolutionaries Didn't

Even the American founders who favored the French Revolution held assumptions about human nature and the rights of man that they baked into founding documents. While radical and revolutionary for a time of monarchies and empires, they remained traditional. These traditions traced back to the Levelers in the 1600s and through John Locke and Montesquieu—mostly Christian philosophers who understood that humans have God-given rights that don't come from government, and that humans are flawed and fallen creatures.

The founders understood you can't have a government of angels—you'll only see that in heaven. So they constrained government and created separation of powers to pit the worst angels of human nature against each other. Even Thomas Jefferson, who favored the French Revolution, and especially James Madison, the architect of America's constitutional order, didn't share the French leftist view of human beings.

The Dangerous Asymmetry in Modern Political Violence

That left-wing revolutionary radicalism expresses itself today in disturbing ways. A YouGov poll revealed that very liberal people are five times more likely than very conservative people to say violence can sometimes be justified in politics. This points to something deep, profound, and historically accurate: there's a radicalism that sees violence as part of the toolkit.

This reality makes Colin Wright's updated meme painfully relevant. The path being traveled leads somewhere dark—a place where cheering for political opponents' execution becomes normalized. History shows this isn't new for radical leftism. The storming of the Bastille and the Reign of Terror demonstrated where this path leads.

Why We Know the Right's Limits But Not the Left's

Jordan Peterson observed a decade ago that while we know things can go too far on the right and too far on the left, we don't know what the markers are for going too far on the left. He argued it's ethically incumbent on those who are liberal or left-leaning to identify markers of pathological extremism on the left and distinguish themselves from people who hold those pathological viewpoints. That work hasn't been done.

Why not? Much of the answer lies in how history since World War II has been taught. Students learn about one villain in depth: Adolf Hitler. They learn about one domestic threat: McCarthyism. What they don't learn is that Hitler's economics weren't exactly right-wing—he was essentially a socialist. They don't learn that while Joe McCarthy violated First Amendment principles, he was mostly right that people he targeted were actual communists in league with the Soviet Union, America's mortal enemy.

Most critically, students aren't taught about the radical utopian murder factories of the 20th century. Vladimir Lenin and Joseph Stalin were the hope and change of their generation. The Bolshevik Revolution was essentially a replay of the Jacobin revolution—radicals overthrowing society, believing it fundamentally rotten, and installing utopian dictators who quickly became monsters with total power. Generations have been raised thinking the only bad thing in the world is Hitler and McCarthy, that everyone bad is a Nazi or far-right, and that there's no such thing as similar or more dastardly extremism on the utopian hope-and-change left.

When Victory Becomes Pathology

Is there a role for the left today? The question is worth asking because in fundamental ways, the left has won. They've won so completely they have nothing left to fight for. They've become like an immune system that conquered all disease and now attacks the body itself—a political autoimmune disease.

A 2021 Pew Research survey mapped American political views into nine distinct clusters along the left-to-right spectrum. On the left, from far left through moderate to disaffected, there was shared belief in the need for change. The question was only how fast and to what degree. The left uniformly favored bigger government, more intervention, more programs to tilt scales toward the disadvantaged, and believed we still live in a fundamentally unfair society.

On the right, something more peculiar and less homogeneous emerged. The largest group identified as the populist right, which looks a little like the left on economics and sees the current economic order as corrupt and in need of reform. Sometimes this sounds too much like Elizabeth Warren—wanting to increase government regulation and attacks on business. But the underlying concern points to where a new left and right could go: many things about our society are truly fundamentally unfair, but these inequalities aren't products of systemic racism or other current leftist talking points. They're products of big government itself.

The Aristocrats Are Wearing Blue Now

Something strange has happened: the Democratic Party today is a party of wealthy, college-educated, largely white elites. That doesn't sound like the left of the French Revolution—it sounds like the right, like the aristocrats. Meanwhile, the Republican Party looks more like the revolutionary left: the MAGA movement, working-class voters. Looking at historical cartoons of the three estates in France, the guy on the bottom—the working stiff—voted for Donald Trump. On top of him sit the new clerics (media and academic elites) and corporate aristocrats who live in blue states and vote reliably for Democrats.

This inversion makes it nearly impossible to think about left and right in historically coherent ways. If you want very substantial change to our society, are you on the right or on the left? These questions are increasingly hard to answer.

The Values Divide That Explains Everything

An NBC poll revealed a striking matrix about political priorities. Among the 13 priorities surveyed, having children ranked number one for men who voted for Trump and second to last for women who voted for Harris. This points to profound disagreement in our society—fundamental values differences aligning along a left-right spectrum.

Interestingly, even among Trump voters, women ranked having children far lower than men did. What does this mean? Those who want children are fundamentally invested in the future—in their minds before having kids, and in reality after. Being invested in the future makes you far less interested in radicalism, in the radical overthrow of existing order that gave rise to Napoleon, Stalin, and Pol Pot. You don't want that for your kids. You don't want your kids going off to war and dying for something stupid.

That future orientation, that sense of having skin in the game not just in your own life but in society and community, is a basic motivational force. The fact that this has become partisan is new and disturbing. It points to the fact that the revolution of the left has become pathological. The attack on institutions has been an attack on all of them, including family, children, and the future itself.

The Path Forward Requires Honest Limits

A healthy society lives in tension between preserving traditions that work and creating change by tearing down things that don't work. That tension is healthy and good. We need it. But we don't have it right now. The center—the bounds of the Overton window that we should return to or shift toward—is one in which the super majority is on board with having a future and having it together if we're going to be one country.

That means rejecting those who reject the future and each other, who embrace political violence, who want to see the country destroyed in its most basic form. There are those on both sides who want that, but the left has far more work to do on this front. For those on the reasonable right to take the left seriously or think they have anything to offer, the left must clean up its house. Until then, the conversation remains one-sided.

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