Jordan Peterson Dissects the Ideological Nexus of Post-Modernism and Marxism at UBC Free Speech Club

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Jordan Peterson Dissects the Ideological Nexus of Post-Modernism and Marxism at UBC Free Speech Club

Jordan Peterson delivers a comprehensive examination of how post-modernism and Marxism became intertwined despite their theoretical contradictions. Speaking at the UBC Free Speech Club, Peterson contrasts the Judeo-Christian understanding of suffering with the Marxist theory of oppression, drawing on biological research, primatology, and historical evidence from the Soviet Union. He challenges the assumption that hierarchies are solely built on power and questions whether compassion for the oppressed truly motivates those who claim to speak for them. Through references to George Orwell, Dostoyevsky, and Solzhenitsyn, Peterson argues that the twentieth-century communist experiments revealed the fatal flaws in Marxist ideology, resulting in tens of millions of deaths.

November 13, 2017

Introduction to the Ideological Problem

Jordan Peterson opened his talk at the UBC Free Speech Club by addressing a fundamental puzzle: why do post-modernism and Marxism coexist despite being theoretically incompatible? Post-modernism rejects grand narratives, while Marxism is itself a grand narrative. This contradiction demands explanation, and Peterson promised to explore it in depth.

The UBC Free Speech Club, which had grown to over a thousand members in just one year, sprang up around the time Peterson publicly opposed Bill C-16. His philosophy of personal responsibility and self-improvement had influenced countless students across North America to speak up on their campuses.

Defining Post-Modernism

Peterson described post-modernism as an attitude of skepticism and irony toward grand narratives, ideologies, and universalism. It questions objective notions of reason, human nature, social progress, absolute truth, and objective reality. He identified Derrida as the central figure in post-modern thinking, with Foucault as another major contributor.

Post-modernism recognizes the existence of hierarchy but defines it as a consequence of power differentials. Peterson characterized the post-modern worldview as a sociologically Hobbesian nightmare, where groups organized in pyramids of social identity exist in a landscape of unbroken enmity and inability to communicate. This stands in contrast to the Hobbesian view of individuals at war with each other.

When post-modernists assume hierarchies exist solely because of power, they essentially turn every hierarchy into a tyranny. This is the essence of the concept of patriarchy, which Peterson defined as hierarchy assumed as tyranny. However, he argued this assumption is fundamentally wrong except in pathological hierarchies.

The Role of Competence in Hierarchies

Peterson presented evidence that Western hierarchies are fundamentally based on competence rather than power. Psychological research shows that intelligence and conscientiousness are the best predictors of long-term life success in Western countries. This is actually desirable because it means that smart, hardworking people produce goods and services that benefit everyone through trade.

People's behavior reveals they don't truly believe hierarchies are only about power and tyranny. When making important decisions, especially regarding medical services, people actively seek out competent individuals within the hierarchy. This wouldn't make sense if hierarchies were purely tyrannical.

Peterson pointed out that when hierarchies of competence become corrupted by power, they tend to crumble because they can no longer function effectively. The fact that everything around us works most of the time is evidence that our hierarchies of competence are functional.

Biological Evidence Against Power-Only Hierarchies

Peterson shared research from neuroscientist Jaak Panksepp on rat behavior. Young juvenile male rats engage in rough-and-tumble play, much like human children. When rats of different sizes are paired together, the larger rat can pin the smaller one. However, across repeated play sessions, unless the bigger rat lets the smaller rat win thirty percent of the time, the smaller rat will stop asking to play.

This demonstrates that even rats have a sense of fair play that emerges across iterated games. It provides evidence for the biological instantiation of a social morality. Even at the level of rats, interactions are mediated by something like a sense of fairness or justice, not merely power.

Primatologist Frans de Waal's research on chimpanzees reveals similar patterns. While chimpanzees are brutal creatures capable of war and extreme violence, tyrant chimps lead unstable regimes. The biggest, meanest chimpanzee doesn't necessarily rise to the top because tyrants don't have friends. Two slightly less dominant chimps can form an alliance and overthrow a tyrant.

De Waal documented that stable chimp hierarchies aren't ruled by tyrants. Even in simpler social organizations like chimpanzee troops, it isn't the tyrant who rules stably. This biological evidence undermines the post-modern assumption that hierarchies are solely about power.

Post-Modern Assumptions and What They Marginalize

Peterson applied post-modern logic to post-modernism itself. Derrida argued that categorization privileges certain concepts while pushing others to the margins. When post-modernists privilege the idea of power above all else, they push competence to the margin. Following post-modern logic, one might conclude they privilege power specifically to marginalize the concept of competence itself.

This observation becomes important when examining the relationship between post-modernism and Marxism, as both movements may share a common interest in undermining the idea of competence-based hierarchies.

Marxist Theory and Its Basic Tenets

Peterson outlined basic Marxist tenets: the bourgeoisie against the proletariat, with history as the documentation of class struggle. While overly simplified, he granted that economics plays a significant role in human affairs and there is tension between the haves and have-nots.

Marxism claims sympathy for the working class and positions its adherents as good guys standing with the oppressed. The theory holds that the ruling class maintains power by exploiting the working class, essentially stealing their excess labor. This is predicated on viewing the world as a zero-sum game, which Peterson rejected.

Wealth creation isn't always theft from others. People like Bill Gates or Steve Jobs created value that far exceeded what they gained personally. However, Peterson acknowledged he wasn't willing to simply accept that Marxists truly have sympathy for the working class or that their hearts are in the right place.

Two Theories of Suffering

Peterson contrasted the Marxist theory of suffering with the Judeo-Christian theory. The Marxist explanation is that people suffer because oppressors oppress them. If the oppressors would stop oppressing, utopia would arrive. This makes oppressors responsible not only for suffering but for the absence of utopia, which justifies extreme measures against them.

The Judeo-Christian theory, found in Genesis, tells a different story. Adam and Eve begin unconscious in a paradisal state. Eve eats the apple offered by the serpent, gains self-consciousness, and shares the fruit with Adam. They realize they're naked and vulnerable, and this self-consciousness brings knowledge of good and evil.

To be aware you're naked is to be aware of your fragility and mortality. Human beings are self-conscious animals with articulated theories about what humans are. Self-consciousness loads on trait neuroticism, manifesting primarily as negative emotion. When you become self-conscious, you get tongue-tied and embarrassed.

Once you know you're vulnerable, you know everyone else is too. You know how to hurt them. This is the knowledge of good and evil: conscious awareness of how to bring suffering into being. God's response to Adam reveals the first consequence: Adam must now work. Self-consciousness stretches into the future, requiring sacrifice of the present for the future.

Cain and Abel: The Story of Resentment

The second biblical story involves Cain and Abel making sacrifices. God accepts Abel's sacrifices but rejects Cain's. When Cain complains that the universe is unfair, God responds that sin crouched at Cain's door like a sexually aroused predatory cat, and Cain let it in and had its way with him.

God tells Cain that his bitterness and resentment are his own fault. This terrible thing waited at the door, he let it in, entered into creative union with it, and produced a tormented spirit that poisons his relationship with reality. Cain's response is to kill Abel, making this the first story about how resentment enters the world.

These two theories of suffering are fundamentally different. One says suffering is built into self-conscious being itself, not someone else's fault or a consequence of sociological oppression. The other says suffering results from oppression and can be eliminated by removing oppressors.

George Orwell and the Road to Wigan Pier

Peterson turned to George Orwell's investigation of whether Marxists truly have sympathy for the working class. Orwell was a socialist who wrote for the Left Book Club. He went to Wigan Pier, a mining town in northern UK, to document the lives of coal miners who had extraordinarily hard lives.

Coal miners had no teeth by age thirty. They worked in tunnels only a few feet high, walking three and a half miles bent over to reach the coal face, then three and a half miles back after an eight-hour shift. They weren't paid for this commute, which Orwell described as equivalent to climbing a small mountain before and after work.

Orwell described seeing a young woman kneeling on stones in the bitter cold, poking a stick up a blocked waste pipe. She had a round, pale face with the exhausted look of a slum girl who is twenty-five but looks forty due to miscarriages and drudgery. Her expression showed she understood exactly how dreadful her destiny was.

After detailing these conditions, Orwell made an argument: how could anyone read this without sympathy for redistribution and socialist ideas? But he then asked why socialism wasn't more popular in Britain and why he didn't particularly like socialists.

The Grand Old Socialist Sport

Orwell wrote that when examining the book-trained socialist with his pullover, fuzzy hair, and Marxist quotations, it's difficult to believe his motive is love of anybody, especially the working class from whom he is furthest removed. For many calling themselves socialists, revolution doesn't mean a movement of the masses but a set of reforms that clever ones will impose on lower orders.

While the book-trained socialist seldom shows affection for the exploited, he's perfectly capable of displaying hatred toward exploiters. This manifests in what Orwell called the grand old socialist sport of denouncing the bourgeoisie. Any socialist writer can easily lash himself into frenzies of rage against the class to which he himself almost invariably belongs by birth or adoption.

Peterson shared his own experience working for the NDP, where he had access to provincial and federal leadership. He found many were honorable people genuinely striving to give the working class a voice. He believes the working class needs political representation and that Democrats made a terrible mistake replacing their working-class ethos with identity politics.

However, Peterson experienced cognitive dissonance. He admired conservative Board of Governors members who were self-made businesspeople but didn't particularly like low-level NDP activist types, who seemed peevish and resentful. Reading Orwell helped him understand: they don't like the poor, they just hate the rich. It's not the same thing or the same set of motivations.

Testing the Theory: Communist Experiments

Peterson argued that if people claiming to represent the oppressed are truly motivated by compassion, giving them power should improve conditions for the working class. This can be tested as an experiment with outcomes as proof.

Nietzsche predicted in the late 1800s, after declaring God dead, that two consequences would follow: nihilism and a move toward totalitarianism. He said socialism (essentially communism) would be the most likely pathway, and tens or hundreds of millions would die in the twentieth century. But it might be worth it if we learn something from it.

Dostoyevsky knew the same thing, writing The Devils (or The Possessed), which examines the kind of person who arose after the death of God in Russia and would lead the Communist revolution. It's a terrifying prophecy and great introduction to Solzhenitsyn's Gulag Archipelago.

Peterson proposed replicating the experiment multiple times across diverse cultures and languages to test whether Marxist ideas improve conditions for the working class when implemented.

The Soviet Experience

The fact that people now celebrate Lenin on the hundredth anniversary of the Russian Revolution is wrong, Peterson argued. It's like celebrating Hitler. Lenin was a monster, not a good guy motivated by love of the working class. His henchman was Stalin, and if your henchman is Stalin, you're not a good guy. Lenin was perfectly willing to have any number of people die as long as his ideological system could be brought into being.

Malcolm Muggeridge went to the Soviet Union in the early 1920s to investigate collectivization of farms. He found it was murderous. Communists rounded up successful farmers and raped them, killed them, stole everything, and sent them to Siberia. These were people who had risen from serfdom over a couple generations to have a brick house and a couple of cows.

A small proportion of agriculturalists produced most of the food, following the Pareto distribution where the square root of the number of people in a field produce half the output. Killing all the good farmers resulted in starving six million Ukrainians to death in the 1930s.

Under collectivization, if you went into fields to pick up grains the harvesters missed so you could feed your starving children, the punishment was death. You were obliged to turn in any additional grains to authorities.

The Death Toll and Historical Consequences

The death of the kulaks and Ukrainian famine accounted for six million deaths. The rise of the gulag state occurred because the Soviet Union couldn't run on its sacrosanct principles. They had to enslave everybody and run the economy as a slave state, trying not to kill people in gulags so fast that they couldn't extract productive labor.

Tens of millions died. Estimates range from fifteen to sixty million. After the first ten million, the point is made. The fact that the count is off by tens of millions indicates the horror, and this all happened within the last century.

There was the 1956 crackdown on Hungary and the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia. The thermonuclear Holocaust threat loomed throughout. In 1962 during the Cuban Missile Crisis, keys were in intercontinental ballistic missile release systems. Castro admitted to Jimmy Carter he was perfectly willing to have Cuba annihilated if it meant defeating the United States.

In approximately 1984, Russian early warning systems indicated Americans had launched five thermonuclear missiles. One Russian decided it was a mistake and refused to launch retaliation. He recently died, having potentially saved humanity from annihilation.

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