Charlie Kirk Debates Sam Seder on Trump's Tax Cuts and the Middle Class at Politicon 2018

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Charlie Kirk Debates Sam Seder on Trump's Tax Cuts and the Middle Class at Politicon 2018

Charlie Kirk squares off against Sam Seder at Politicon 2018 in a debate over whether Trump's policies have helped or hurt the middle class. Kirk defends the Trump tax cuts, deregulation agenda, and historic unemployment rates, arguing that reducing government burden creates prosperity for working Americans. Seder counters that 65% of tax cuts went to the top 20%, wealth inequality is pricing the middle class out of major cities, and programs like Medicare and Social Security face cuts to pay for corporate giveaways. The debate covers everything from the 2008 financial crisis and Glass-Steagall to healthcare reform, tariffs on China, and whether capitalism or government intervention best serves middle-class Americans.

October 26, 2018

The Debate Over Trump's Tax Cuts and Middle-Class Impact

At Politicon 2018, Charlie Kirk and Sam Seder engaged in a substantive debate on whether President Trump's policies have benefited or harmed the middle class. The discussion, moderated by Steven Olikara of the Millennial Action Project, centered largely on the Trump tax cuts passed the previous year.

Kirk opened by defining the middle class as Americans with the comfort to send their children to relatively good schools, a reasonable expectation their children's lives will be better than their own, median income allowing for one to two vacations yearly, and manageable debt levels. He noted that while 70 to 90 percent of Americans consider themselves middle class, only about 50 percent actually are by economic measures.

Defending Trump's record, Kirk highlighted that 3.5 million jobs have been created since the administration began, wages have increased approximately 3.8 percent in the past year, Hispanic incomes reached historic highs at $50,000 annually, and 3.9 million people left food stamps to enter the workforce. Kirk argued that conservatives measure success not by how many people receive government assistance but by how many achieve independence from it.

Kirk emphasized what he called the best economy in a generation, citing 4.2 percent GDP growth and 3.7 percent unemployment. He referenced The New York Times stating the economy was so strong they were running out of ways to critique it. The average American family received a $2,700 tax cut under the Trump plan, Kirk noted, which he argued was beneficial for consumer spending power and savings while coupling demand-side and supply-side economics.

Seder's Critique: Tax Cuts Favored the Wealthy

Seder countered that Trump has not been particularly helpful to the middle class, arguing that conditions are worse now and will deteriorate further due to administration policies. He pointed out that 65 percent of the tax cuts went to the top 20 percent of the country. While acknowledging it was nominally the biggest middle-class tax cut in recent memory, Seder used an analogy: if Kirk's microphone volume went from five to eight but his own went from five to twelve, the dynamic illustrates how the wealthy benefited disproportionately.

Seder emphasized that with increased wealth inequality, the middle class gets priced out of housing markets in the top ten metropolitan areas. He disputed Kirk's wage growth claims, noting that in the first 18 months of the Trump administration versus the last 18 months of Obama's term, wages increased only 1.7 percent while inflation rose 3.8 percent. He added that higher education costs have increased 110 percent since 1994, meaning nominal income gains matter little if the cost of middle-class life rises faster.

According to Seder, if the middle class actually liked the tax cuts, they wouldn't disfavor them more than they disfavored Obamacare at its lowest point. He argued that 84 percent of stocks are owned by the top 10 percent of Americans, and when money was repatriated from overseas, 60 percent went into stock buybacks benefiting those wealthy shareholders rather than creating jobs.

The Kansas Experiment and Trickle-Down Economics

Seder brought up Kansas under Governor Sam Brownback as a cautionary tale. In 2012, Brownback brought in economist Arthur Laffer and implemented massive tax cuts on the wealthy with the promise that prosperity would trickle down, revenue would increase, and the economy would explode. Instead, Kansas experienced disaster—the state's educational system suffered, economic growth lagged, employment lagged, and the Republican-controlled state house raised taxes four years later.

Kirk did not defend the Kansas model directly but instead pivoted to contrasting successful red states like Texas and Florida with struggling blue states like California and Illinois. He argued that states like Illinois and California are losing citizens, job creators, and entrepreneurs due to high taxes and reckless politicians. Texas and Florida, by contrast, have no state income tax and deregulated economies. Texas comprised one out of three jobs created across the country during the Great Recession of 2008-2010.

Kirk pointed to Illinois, where despite Chicago being an exceptional city, the state has 1.8 percent GDP growth compared to 3 percent growth in other Midwest states. California, he argued, should be the most prosperous state but instead has the most homeless people, the most people living in poverty, and crumbling schools. He noted that eight or nine out of ten of the most pro-business states in America have Republican governors and legislatures.

The Zero-Sum Game Debate

A fundamental philosophical divide emerged over whether wealth creation is zero-sum. Kirk adamantly rejected the notion that when someone gets rich, someone else gets poor. He argued that when wealthy people increase their net worth, they take risks, employ people, buy buildings, develop good ideas, and create products people buy repeatedly. This creates higher standards of living for everyone as prices typically decrease and competition increases.

Kirk did acknowledge one exception: the eight out of ten wealthiest counties in America surrounding Washington DC, where people get wealthy through geographic proximity to the $4.4 trillion federal budget rather than creating value for the middle class. These include lobbyists, trial lawyers, and corporate representatives lobbying on behalf of special interests rather than middle America.

Seder responded that Kirk's argument ignored buying power. If someone receives $10 and school costs $10, they can afford school. But if school rises to $20 without corresponding income growth, buying power diminishes. Wealth inequality drives up prices, particularly in housing across ten major metropolitan areas where the middle class can no longer afford to live. In states like Illinois, excessive property taxes compound the problem, pricing middle-class families out of homeownership.

Stock Buybacks and Repatriation

The debate touched on what happened when corporations repatriated money from overseas following the Trump tax cuts. Seder argued that 84 percent of stocks are owned by the top 10 percent of Americans, and 60 percent of repatriated tax dollars went into stock buybacks enriching those shareholders. He saw no job growth resulting from repatriation, contrary to promises of trickle-down prosperity.

Kirk countered that the 84 percent figure is misleading because it includes money managers like Goldman Sachs controlling pension funds for teachers, firefighters, and police officers. When Goldman Sachs controls the California state pension fund, statistics classify those stock purchases as Goldman Sachs rather than the pension fund, despite the fact that middle-class workers benefit when the stock market rises through increased 401k and pension values.

Kirk cited Foxconn creating 4,000 jobs in Wisconsin as evidence that repatriation created jobs. The company directly attributed moving manufacturing from China to Wisconsin to the pro-business, pro-American mindset fostered by the Trump tax cut and Republican state leadership.

The 2008 Financial Crisis: Competing Narratives

Seder argued that repealing Glass-Steagall under President Clinton allowed commercial banks and investment banks to merge, creating institutions too big to fail. When the crisis hit, it nearly destroyed the entire financial system, leading to massive government bailouts and the debt increase during the Obama years. He called for a 21st century Glass-Steagall Act to separate these banking functions and diminish the power of Goldman Sachs, Citibank, and Wells Fargo.

Kirk acknowledged some merit to the Glass-Steagall argument but insisted it was neither the primary nor secondary factor in the 2008 crisis. He placed blame first and foremost on Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, government-sponsored institutions that gave triple-A bond ratings to subprime mortgages for people with poor credit scores and incomes around $35,000 yearly. These institutions never showed their books to taxpayers and colluded with rating agencies to misrepresent the quality of mortgage-backed securities.

Kirk also blamed the Community Reinvestment Act for incentivizing banks to give loans to low-income communities through quotas, coupled with Alan Greenspan artificially lowering interest rates after 9/11, creating cheap money flowing throughout the system. Banks traded based on false confidence from Fannie and Freddie's ratings without examining the underlying mortgages.

Kirk argued that Wells Fargo executives who lied should be in prison but maintained that the crisis represented the biggest government failure of the modern era. The SEC, with its $30 billion annual budget, never walked into rating agencies to verify FICO scores or examine mortgages. He rejected the narrative blaming capitalism when government regulators failed their oversight responsibilities.

Regulation, Dodd-Frank, and Community Banks

On regulation, Kirk argued that Dodd-Frank destroyed community banks through hundreds of millions of dollars in compliance costs. Since the financial crisis, there has been a sharp decline in community banks, which traditionally lent to small businesses and local communities. Ironically, Goldman Sachs lobbied against repealing Dodd-Frank because the regulation acts as a hedge against competition from smaller banks, protecting giants like Wells Fargo, JPMorgan Chase, and Goldman Sachs.

Kirk noted that Goldman Sachs has inside access to the Treasury Department across administrations—Bush, Obama, and Trump—calling this a problem both sides should address. He suggested getting rid of the carried interest deduction as one area of potential agreement.

Seder defended Dodd-Frank and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, noting that the CFPB saved consumers $90 million in bank fees in the last year alone under Obama. Since Trump took office, there has not been a single enforcement action by the CFPB. Seder argued that Kirk's claim about community bank decline ignores 30 years of mergers and acquisitions that preceded Dodd-Frank.

Deregulation: Specific Examples

When Seder challenged Kirk to name three regulations rolled back that helped the middle class, Kirk cited rolling back Obama's restrictions on coal, which he said created hundreds of thousands of jobs throughout Appalachia and brought down utility costs in thirty states. He also mentioned EPA regulations that classified lakes and tributaries in farmers' backyards as oil spills under an abuse of the Clean Water Act of 1976, saving farmers hundreds of thousands in legal costs. Third, he cited rolling back thousands of consumer regulations under the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau that made it easier to obtain small business loans.

Seder responded that rolling back coal-fired power plant regulations will cause 3,600 deaths, 90,000 asthma cases, and 1,700 heart attacks annually, with expenses in the hundreds of millions of dollars. Mercury and air toxin rollbacks will cause 11,000 deaths annually, and asbestos rollbacks could cause up to 40,000 annual deaths. He contrasted this with regulations like energy-efficient light bulbs, which conservatives opposed as government overreach but which have saved consumers tens of millions of dollars in replacement costs.

Trade, Tariffs, and China

On trade policy, Kirk took a nuanced position. He strongly supported Trump's approach to China, calling China the great existential threat to the West and America. China remains categorized as a developing nation in the World Trade Organization, giving them access to subsidies, and they build a coal-fired power plant every month. China steals intellectual property by requiring companies to form partnerships with the government, then copying goods and services and selling them back into competitive markets.

Seder argued that Trump tariffs on China are effectively a tax on the U.S. middle class. Ford will lay off close to 12 percent of its workforce due to steel tariffs. Smaller companies making pipe fittings have been denied waivers because of big donors who are major U.S. steel manufacturers. Iowa farmers have absorbed about $620 million in costs. While acknowledging some benefit in the new NAFTA for auto workers, Seder criticized it for codifying pharmaceutical company monopolies by forcing these protections on Canada.

Healthcare: Market Solutions Versus Single-Payer

Turning to healthcare, Kirk argued that the Trump tax cut's repeal of the individual mandate removed the largest tax on the millennial generation. He characterized it as forcing young people to buy insurance completely out of their income bracket. Kirk advocated for market-based healthcare solutions, including allowing health insurance to be purchased across state lines. He blamed an oligopoly of health insurance companies in bed with pharmaceutical companies and FDA regulators for skyrocketing prices.

Seder countered that there is no federal law preventing insurance companies from selling across state lines—each state has its own regulators. Companies have tried selling across states with waivers but don't do it because risk pools differ by market and they lose money. He warned that 20 Republican states are suing the federal government over the individual mandate, a lawsuit the Trump Justice Department refuses to defend. If successful at the Republican-controlled Supreme Court, Americans could lose protections for pre-existing conditions, be denied coverage or charged exorbitant rates, lose the ability to stay on parents' insurance until age 26, face lifetime caps, and lose essential benefits like free mammograms and colonoscopies.

Kirk insisted nothing is free—taxpayers pay for these services. He questioned why markets work for food, housing, and technology but supposedly fail in healthcare. He pointed to the American Medical Association's national doctor quota limiting the supply of physicians, which restricts competition and keeps prices high. He cited a study scoring Bernie Sanders' single-payer healthcare plan at $32 trillion over ten years versus $35 trillion for the current system, arguing he doesn't want to live in a country with a 55 to 60 percent tax rate paying for something he'll never benefit from.

Seder noted that every other Western industrialized nation provides healthcare to citizens at lower cost with better outcomes. These countries have effective tax rates that, while higher than the U.S., deliver universal coverage. He referenced that during the Eisenhower administration, the marginal tax rate went up to 90 percent on every dollar after $400,000 (equivalent to about $2 million today), contributing to a period of tremendous economic growth.

Fundamental Differences on Government's Role

The debate revealed fundamental disagreements about government's role in the economy. Kirk consistently argued that reducing government burden through tax cuts and deregulation creates prosperity, jobs, and opportunity. He celebrated Trump's record on unemployment rates for African Americans, Asian Americans, Hispanics, and veterans, along with the strong GDP growth and the fact that Obama now tries to take credit for the economy.

Seder maintained that concentrating wealth among the top tier through tax cuts gives them political power that perpetuates inequality. He argued that flattening the tax code and not giving additional cuts to corporations and the wealthy prevents them from using cash for stock buybacks that enrich board directors and CEOs rather than workers. The solution, he suggested, is spreading wealth more equitably so the middle class can afford housing, education, and healthcare.

Kirk insisted that when businesses thrive, they employ people, and the 3.5 million jobs created under Trump are mostly middle-class positions. He rejected the zero-sum mentality, arguing that wealth creation through innovation, risk-taking, and providing products people want to buy benefits everyone through higher living standards and lower prices.

Both agreed that something is fundamentally wrong when working at Goldman Sachs seems to be a prerequisite for running the Treasury Department, and that cronyism—not capitalism—explains why counties around Washington DC are among the wealthiest in America. However, they differed sharply on solutions, with Kirk favoring deregulation and competition while Seder advocated for stronger regulation and wealth redistribution through progressive taxation.

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