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Andrew Kolvet on Charlie Kirk's Assassination, Candace Owens Conspiracy Theories, and the Future of Conservative Movement
Andrew Kolvet, Charlie Kirk's close confidant and current host of The Charlie Kirk Show, opens up about the assassination that shook American conservatism. Since Kirk's murder at a campus event, the conservative movement has fractured into infighting, with Candace Owens leading a daily conspiracy theory campaign implicating Israel and Kirk's own team in his death. Kolvet discusses Kirk's evolution on immigration and Israel, the struggle to define his legacy, and whether Christian principles or Trumpian combativeness will shape the future of the right. He reveals the deep divisions over Israel, the surprising unity on immigration, and what populist conservatism actually wants in the post-Trump era.
The Day Charlie Kirk Was Killed
Andrew Kolvet was at his desk, preparing for another day of producing The Charlie Kirk Show, when the call came. A team member's desperate voice cut through: "They shot Charlie. They shot Charlie." Just 33 minutes earlier, Kolvet had been texting with Kirk about talking points on monogamy for an upcoming Utah event. Now, shell-shocked and overwhelmed by thousands of texts and calls from reporters seeking confirmation, Kolvet watched helplessly as one of his closest friends and the architect of modern youth conservatism died from gunshot wounds sustained at a campus event.
"I saw the video in the immediate aftermath because I wanted to know if he could survive," Kolvet recalls. "And yeah, I saw the video and immediately regretted seeing it." He has worked hard since to ensure Kirk's widow, Erika, never sees the footage that captured her husband's final moments.
The assassination transformed Kolvet from executive producer to reluctant steward of Kirk's mission. When Erika looked at him in the aftermath and said, "They will not silence my husband's voice. You have to keep the show going," there was no question what he had to do. Now hosting The Charlie Kirk Show while helping lead Turning Point USA, Kolvet finds himself at the center of a struggle to define both Kirk's legacy and the future direction of American conservatism.
From Hollywood to Conservative Media
Kolvet's path to becoming Kirk's right-hand man began in an unlikely place: Hollywood. Working with Mark Burnett on shows like "The Voice," "Celebrity Apprentice," and "Survivor," Kolvet dreamed of writing screenplays. When Burnett's chief of staff, Johnnie Moore, started a PR company and asked Kolvet to help launch it, he initially refused, wanting to focus on his creative ambitions.
"I kind of refused," Kolvet remembers. "And then he said, 'Why don't you just work a couple days a week, help me get this thing off the ground, and then you can do your own thing?'" That part-time gig evolved into bringing on conservative clients like PragerU and The Blaze. When Charlie Kirk crossed paths with Moore at a Southern Florida event, Moore reached out to the young conservative activist.
Kirk initially ghosted Kolvet's outreach attempts. But after a news story that Kirk tried to handle himself "didn't go so well and blew up," he called. After about a year working with Kirk through the agency, Kirk made Kolvet an offer: "Hey, I like you, I'll hire you, I'll be your first client. And I also want to start a podcast, and I want you to help me do that." In May 2019, they launched what would become one of the most influential conservative podcasts in America.
The Infrastructure Charlie Kirk Built
Many people have a hazy understanding of what Turning Point USA actually is—perhaps thinking of it as simply a campus conservative group or an alternative to Young Republicans. But by the mid-2020s, Kirk had built something far more extensive and influential than most outsiders realized.
"At its core, Turning Point is this campus activism," Kolvet explains. "There is a felt need, and I think a very real need for conservatives on campus that are contending with whether that be professors or other student groups. They feel isolated, they feel alone." The organization established chapters on campuses across the country, serving as convening points for conservative-minded students to meet and discuss ideas.
But around that beating heart grew a massive infrastructure: a productions team creating content and documentaries, a robust social media operation, a political arm, a whole reporting wing, and The Charlie Kirk Show providing a daily drumbeat. "We're talking hundreds of thousands of students across the country at these campuses," Kolvet notes. There was also TPUSA Faith, founded during COVID when Kirk refused to accept that churches would simply "roll over" and accept restrictions on worship.
Beyond the visible infrastructure, Kirk maintained something equally important: relationships. "The guy was an avid texter and emailer and phone caller, and so he was also working relationships behind the scenes constantly and ironing out differences or bridging divides," Kolvet says. This relational work—keeping different factions talking, maintaining connections across the conservative movement—would prove desperately important after his death.
Did Security Fail Charlie Kirk?
In the aftermath, many have asked whether the danger was foreseeable. Kolvet acknowledges the question haunts him: "Everybody plays this mind game after the fact. Did we have premonitions about it? And you have these thoughts that run through your head and you try and put them down because you don't want to live in fear."
Kirk traveled with a full security detail, and Turning Point spent significant resources on protection. "By the time he was killed, the security system and mechanisms and the team members that we had around him were very robust," Kolvet insists. But there was a critical vulnerability: campus events relied on local or campus police for perimeter security, while Kirk's personal detail only controlled his immediate 30-yard proximity.
"So much of the safety or lack thereof is contingent on the precautions that they put in place and the plan that they have in place. And some of that is beyond the control," Kolvet explains. "If you want to do an event on campus, those are the rules."
Despite the precautions, Kolvet wasn't scared—he was watching Charlie refuse to live in fear. He does remember a moment, about a month or six weeks before the assassination, when Kirk visited and "just got mobbed. Selfie, selfie, selfie, selfie." Kolvet thought to himself: "You're really famous now."
Candace Owens and the Conspiracy Theory Industrial Complex
In the chaos following Kirk's murder, Kolvet reached out to Candace Owens, who he'd known since around 2019. She had been part of the Turning Point ecosystem before growing her own platform, and Kolvet assumed she was simply a grieving friend. "She was obviously distraught," he recalls. "And I felt for her. I knew I had no foresight that it was going to become what it's become."
What it became was a daily streaming show focused on conspiracy theories about Kirk's death—theories that prominently feature Israel and implicate people close to Kirk, including Kolvet himself, in a betrayal conspiracy. "I didn't realize that we were going to be the subject of a daily streaming show where our own characters were impugned, or that we were somehow implicated in a betrayal conspiracy or something," Kolvet says.
Among the theories: that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was offering Kirk money, that his team set him up, that his closest friends betrayed him. "There was never an offer," Kolvet states flatly about the Netanyahu claim. "If there was, nobody on the team knows about it. Charlie would have had to just privately seek the secret flights." He adds that Kirk "would have never taken anything from Israel. Just as a matter of principle or from Ukraine or from the UK—he just had a hard and fast no foreign money rule."
There's been essentially one contact with Owens in recent months, as "it became apparent that we were becoming a focus of her ire and that it was not exactly a safe relationship to proceed with." Kolvet sees the phenomenon as part true crime entertainment ("You see this with Netflix. The true crime genre of things. It's a successful drama genre.") and part genuine conspiracy theorizing born of distrust.
"I've never been a hugely conspiratorial person in general, but I'm very sympathetic to why people are," Kolvet explains. "When you think about the conservative mindset and the conservative wiring, you realize I think even more why this is happening." Conservatives feel that institutions meant to preserve tradition and culture have been captured by the left, fueling distrust. Add in JFK, 9/11, and COVID, and you have a movement primed for conspiracy thinking.
But experiencing conspiracy theories from the inside has changed Kolvet's perspective: "Just having been on this side of a conspiracy theory, you just realize there's a pattern to this where they will allege connections that might have a grain of truth, an ounce of truth, and then they will leap to a conclusion that is so wild. And you're like, how did you put one and one together and then allege this from these two things?"
He believes the conservative movement needs to be more careful: "I think as a conservative movement, we do have to make sure we're fact based. We do need to be sure that we police ourselves of some of the zanier, crazier, I think, intellectually lazy conspiracy theories. But when it comes to UFOs, when it comes to Jeffrey Epstein, I think there's some conspiracy theories that we need to dive into."
Charlie Kirk's Evolution on Immigration
One of the most significant transformations in Kirk's political journey involved immigration. Kolvet remembers a car ride in 2018 or 2019—probably from Iowa City to Chicago—where he, Kirk, and Erika (then Kirk's girlfriend) debated the issue for hours. "I was the immigration hawk in the car. Erika was probably more in agreement with me. And Charlie was like, he still had this kind of legacy Chicago boy experience where he's like, look at all this farmland. Chicago is losing population. We need more immigrants."
Kirk had attended a white-minority high school in Wheeling, Illinois, had positive experiences with diversity, and started his political journey more libertarian. "Charlie just wasn't quite on that page because he had gone to a high school where it was, I think, white minority high school. He interacted, had a good experience at that high school and didn't see any issue with it."
But Kirk changed dramatically on immigration. Kolvet traces the shift not to campus activists like Nick Fuentes asking hostile questions, but to Kirk watching the national scene evolve—figures like Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib, what he saw as a lack of gratitude from some immigrant communities, concerns about importing socialist ideas and grievance politics, and ultimately the illegal immigration crisis of the Biden years.
"He became very convinced that immigration was, if not the number one issue, darn near the number one issue that's animating the base," Kolvet says. Kirk came to believe Americans needed "to still have our country that we grew up in, feeling like there is a sense of place, a sense of identity, a shared American identity."
On immigration, Kolvet sees tremendous unity on the right, extending beyond the base to moderates alienated by Biden's policies. "People consistently underestimate this issue," he argues. "People have a memory of the way the world used to feel when they were a kid or when they were going to school, and they see how it's changed... People like to be in a community that they feel safe in, that they feel like they know their neighbors. This is just the way people tend to congregate."
The Generational Divide Over Israel
If immigration represents conservative unity, Israel represents profound division—and a generational divide that Kirk was actively wrestling with before his death. "It was certainly something that we wrestled with a lot," Kolvet says. "Charlie would go to some campuses and it was like 50, 60 percent of the questions were about Israel, and that was for two years."
Students questioned the US-Israel relationship, funding levels, and AIPAC's influence. Kirk "got better and better at answering those questions and spent a lot of time trying to study the issue," moving from what Kolvet calls a "normie" position of "greatest ally in the Middle East" to more nuanced questioning.
"Charlie was really against war. He hated war. He took a lot of flack for fighting against this march towards endless blank check funding of the Ukraine war. He was vehemently against it. He didn't want America to be involved in killing abroad. He wanted us to focus domestically." This created tension when it came to Israel. Kirk "felt like he was doing more heavy lifting for a foreign country than the foreign country was doing for itself, at least from a PR standpoint, and selling this. And that frustrated him. He didn't feel like it should be his role."
At a Student Action Summit in July, Kirk and Kolvet conducted focus groups with dozens of students about Israel. The results were revealing: "A lot of them were like, well, we like Israel. We like them more than Hamas. But that doesn't mean I don't have questions about should we be funding them. Do we have to get dragged into wars? It feels like we're getting dog walked into this conflict."
Kolvet sees this as healthy: "What I don't want to see—and I think this is through line for Israel—is you do not have to support Israel to belong to the team, at least in a traditional historical sense. I don't want to see a conservative movement like that. I'm an American. I'm born in this country. My kids are going to be raised in this country. I'm going to die here. They're probably going to die here. I care about America."
He believes this represents a generational shift, with President Trump's nearly 80-year-old generation maintaining full support while younger conservatives grow "increasingly skeptical of the status quo." Israel has become "a symbolic battle about what does America First really mean."
The Alienated Young Man and the Future of the Right
Kolvet acknowledges that Nick Fuentes, despite his anti-Semitism that Kirk "rejected wholesale," tapped into something real: "You have a whole generation of young men—and we saw this for years—there's a whole generation, especially of young men, but of young women too, that felt betrayed, alienated, discarded, villainized by the establishment class, and that they were told that they were the problem just for being born in America."
These young people were told they were toxic, that they were an issue, regardless of their race. "When you do that, whether knowingly or unknowingly, you are going to create a whole class of people that are probably going to be reactionary for something that they were told they were supposed to get but that got screwed out of by the incumbent financial system or by the incumbent political class."
Kirk's mission was to direct that energy: "Before us are two roads. You can either go grievance politics, socialism, free stuff, populism, Mangione modernism, or you can go MAGA. Now, you might not like MAGA on its face. You might think it's mean or cruel or bad PR or whatever, but at least you can live with it."
For Kolvet, the path forward for populist conservatism beyond immigration includes making housing affordable—"if you want to have a nation of renters, then those people are going to burn down the country real fast when things go South." He advocates for building 5-10 million new homes, preventing institutional money and foreign buyers from dominating the market, and creative policies to help first-time buyers, though he acknowledges the 50-year mortgage idea Trump floated was controversial even among their audience.
Christian Love Versus Trumpian Fight
At Charlie Kirk's memorial service, a striking contrast emerged that captured a tension at the heart of modern conservatism. Erika Kirk spoke about forgiveness, about loving enemies, about forgiving her husband's killer. Then President Donald Trump, also Kirk's friend and someone for whom Kirk did enormous work, got up and joked—though it wasn't entirely a joke—that Erika could talk to him about forgiveness, but "I'm sorry, I can't. I can't help it. I hate him, I hate my enemies." Trump brought it up again at the Medal of Freedom ceremony.
Charlie Kirk himself was increasingly devout. When asked shortly before his death how he wanted to be remembered, he said "for his courage, for his faith." Kolvet and Kirk originally bonded over their shared Christian faith. "I think that's why when you asked me earlier in this conversation, were you afraid? And I said, well, no, but because Charlie wasn't afraid. And he wasn't afraid because of his faith, and I think he had made—I think he had realized that his life was not his own, and he had come to terms with that."
Kirk believed "America was fundamentally founded as a Christian nation for Christians, providentially guided by the hand of God to become the greatest nation in the history of the world, and that if we lost our Christian heritage, we would lose our identity. We would lose the very thing that made us special, that made America so great."
But the presentation of Kirk's life since his death has leaned heavily on the religious element—something Kolvet fully endorses: "It's not even a question, actually. He was asked not long before he was killed—and you could say before he was martyred, which I do count him as an American martyr, as a Christian martyr—that he wanted to be remembered for his courage, for his faith."
Yet Kolvet also defends the harder edge of Trumpism. He recalls the 2016-2017 debate among evangelicals about supporting Trump despite his "very worldly lifestyle." The answer became the cliché: "We're voting for a president, not a pastor." Beyond that, Kolvet argues, Trump "was injecting a little swagger, a little masculine energy into church circles that had lost their backbone."
He criticizes "big Eva"—big evangelicalism and megachurches—for becoming "soft, limp wristed, weak, feminized." TPUSA Faith was founded during COVID because Kirk "never believed that the church was just going to roll over and take it" when told they couldn't meet and worship together.
When pressed on whether conservative politics could use more of Erika Kirk's spirit of Christian love and less Trumpian combativeness, Kolvet agrees in principle but defends the harder approach in practice. Sometimes love "means that I want to—sometimes I'm going to be forced to do the hard thing on immigration, or I'm going to be forced to do the hard thing on law and order issues, because actually, that's what love looks like. Love does not look like simply being sympathetic."
He concedes that some social media posts from federal agencies in the Trump era go too far: "Sometimes, even for me, when I see some of the social media posts, I'm like, that's a little too much. And then sometimes I'm like, I love that we're just unapologetic about the fact that we're reinstituting law and order."
Ultimately, Kolvet sees both approaches as necessary: "I could concede that I would have a more conciliatory tone at times than our president. And sometimes I'm glad he showed me the way and said it like he said it... I think once the era of Trump is past us, the next—you're not going to—Trump is singular. This moment will not last forever."
Steward of a Legacy
Andrew Kolvet doesn't see himself as the new Charlie Kirk. "I don't even describe myself as the host of The Charlie Kirk Show," he insists. "Charlie is the host of The Charlie Kirk Show, and I see our job as being stewards of his mission, of his message." After working with Kirk nearly every day for eight years, he feels he has "a Charlie GPT or something in the back of my head."
The mission continues because Erika Kirk demanded it. When she looked at Kolvet and said, "They will not silence my husband's voice. You have to keep the show going," the decision was made. They kept broadcasting, carried Charlie's body home on Air Force Two courtesy of Vice President JD Vance ("I can't say enough good things about him and Usha and the way they've comported themselves"), and pressed forward.
Kolvet has learned to see the conspiracy theories, painful as they are, as "a testament to the love for Charlie." He has trained himself to "pray for people that are taking that energy and directing it at people Charlie loved, his closest friends." He draws strength from watching how Kirk himself "dealt with so many lies about him" and "learned when to stay silent, when to speak into things, when to correct, when to be strategically absent on a conversation."
The conservative movement Kirk helped build faces deep divisions over Israel, uncertainty about what comes after Trump, ongoing debates about how to balance Christian principles with political combat, and the challenge of channeling the energy of alienated young people toward constructive rather than destructive ends. But it has found unity on immigration and housing affordability, and it has Kirk's example—both his courage and his faith—to guide it forward.
As Kolvet put it in those first moments after the shooting, thinking he had to do something as people looked to him for direction: "I got nothing." But in the months since, through grief and conspiracy theories and the daily work of keeping Kirk's voice alive, he has found something: a mission to be a steward, not a replacement. To honor both the fighter and the man of faith. To hold together, if possible, a movement that has lost the relational center that was quietly holding it together all along.
Video Transcript
What has happened
to Candace Owens? You know, I interacted with her in the
immediate aftermath of what happened with Charlie. I didn’t realize, that we
were going to be the subject of a daily streaming show. I had no foresight that it
was going to become what it’s become. Since Charlie Kirk
was assassinated, the conservative movement
has fallen into infighting with big personalities
at war with one another. "I truly believe
that the deep state is involved in
this assassination and multiple states
are involved." "I think that what Candace
Owens is doing right now is evil." And with a lot of
uncertainty about what the future of the
right actually holds. "If Lindsey
Graham wins, it will be the most
dispiriting thing to happen in American politics
in a very, very long time." So, was Charlie Kirk himself actually holding the right together? What unites the
movement he helped build now? And what does populist
conservatism actually want going forward? My guest today is
Andrew Kolvet, who was Charlie Kirk’s
close confidant. Since the assassination, he’s taken on many of his
friend's responsibilities, including hosting "The Charlie
Kirk Show." That’s placed him in the thick of a struggle
to define Kirk’s own legacy and the future of the right. Andrew Kolvet, welcome
to Interesting Times. Thank you. Honored to be here. So I want to start just by
doing a kind of introduction and having you explain your
current role as a steward of the organizations
that Charlie Kirk built. You’re part of the leadership
of Turning Point USA, which is the conservative
youth organization that Kirk founded. And you’re also— Well, you were the executive
producer of the Charlie Kirk show, which Kirk hosted,
and now you are hosting. So just tell me a little
bit about how you came to be involved with Charlie Kirk
in the first place. Yeah, and I would be remiss if
I didn’t say that, the real reason I’m here is
because we had originally scheduled Charlie to
come sit down with you. But I think what you said
is probably accurate. I don’t even describe myself
as the host of "The Charlie Kirk Show." Charlie is the host of
"The Charlie Kirk Show," and I see our job as being
stewards of his mission, of his message. But, yeah, Charlie and we
started the show in 2019. May 2019 was our
first episode, and we just did
one podcast a week— Which is I should
say, a lot, I can say, now that I have a podcast of my own. But you were working at
Turning Point before then? Yeah, I’ll go back a step. So I was actually living
and working in Hollywood, and I had a job working with
Mark Burnett of "The Voice," "Celebrity Apprentice." "Survivor," "Shark Tank." So he was doing
those projects. And then at some point, he
got into faith-based content. I was thrown into the deep
end of, one day we would be at Jimmy Kimmel or we’d be
one of the nightly shows. And then we would go to CNN. And then we’d go to Fox, and
then we’d be at a church. Mark’s chief of staff, a named
Johnnie Moore at the time, started a P.R. company, asked
me to start it with him. I wanted to write screenplays,
doing the L.A. thing. My head was still very
much in that space, and I wanted to make content. And so I kind of refused. Kind of refused. And then he said, "Why don’t
you just work a couple days a week, help me get this
thing off the ground, and then you can
do your own thing?" And along the way,
we started bringing on conservative clients,
so ended up— PragerU was one of those clients. We ended up bringing on
The Blaze as a client, and at one point, Charlie
came across the path of Johnnie in Southern Florida at
some event and said, "Hey, you should look into this guy. He’s young, but I think
he’s got a lot of energy. You should contact. Here’s his email." So I reached out
to him, said, "Hey, we’d love to talk about
maybe working with you." He basically
ghosted for a while. And eventually he had some
news story that he tried to handle on his own that
didn’t go so well and blew up. And then he called
me, got to work with him via the agency
for about a year. And then he basically
said, "Hey, I like you, I’ll hire you, I’ll
be your first client. And I also want to
start a podcast, and I want you to
help me do that." So working for Turning Point,
I think that there are a lot of people, maybe especially a
lot of people in the audience for The New York
Times’ for instance, who have just a very hazy
idea of what Turning Point is or what Charlie built
it into that it’s, "Well, it’s a campus
conservative group. Maybe it’s an alternative
to the young Republicans." Can you just give a
description of what in its full mid-2020s form Turning
Point is or became? Yeah, Turning Point at its core is
this campus activism, right? Because there is a felt need,
and I think a very real need for conservatives
on campus that are contending with
whether that be professors or other student groups,
they feel isolated, they feel alone. And so we have
chapters on campuses all across the country. And these become
convening points for conservative minded,
curious libertarians, whatever to come meet, get together
and discuss ideas. So there’s programming that
we push out throughout all of the campuses. There are speakers that
they are then able to book. We help them become
a registered student organization on
campus so that they can access student body
funds and security, get venues on campus. So that’s the beating heart
of what Turning Point is now around that there is, there’s
a productions team that’s producing a lot of
content documentaries. We also have a
social media team. Social media has
obviously been a huge part of Turning Point's growth. And so this was
again, I think when I think about the
beginning of Turning Point, I was a conservative in a
predominantly liberal campus. There have always been
these various groups that are doing
outreach or providing community for conservatives. And my sense is that as much
as that is the heart of what Turning Point does. It has become a much bigger
thing than any purely campus conservative that it has. It has a religious dimension. It has obviously
a legally separate political organization
dimension. And that, I think before
Charlie was assassinated, a lot of people on the outside
maybe didn’t quite realize how big a part of conservatism
and conservative Christianity in America your
infrastructure had become. No, the infrastructure
is huge. We’re talking hundreds of
thousands of students across the country at these campuses. Whole social media wing,
a whole reporting wing, a whole political arm. Plus, we had the
Charlie Kirk show that became this
drumbeat every day. So, yeah, it was
lots of tentacles. And that’s not even to speak
of the work that Charlie was doing behind the scenes. I mean, the guy was an avid
Texter and emailer and phone caller, and so he was also
working relationships behind the scenes constantly and
ironing out differences or bridging divides Yeah no,
and I want to get into that role because I think it’s
important to understand what’s happening in conservatism
since his murder. But if you don’t mind. So you were traveling
with him a lot. Would you. You would go to campuses with
him for his tours Yeah no. So I didn’t go to
all the campus stops. I wasn’t there the
day he was killed. And I’m truly grateful
for that, actually, because I just I’m so glad I
didn’t see it I saw the video in the immediate aftermath
because I wanted to know if he could survive. And yeah, I saw the
video and immediately regretted seeing
it Yeah, truly. And, the whole team actively
works very hard to make sure that anything we
share with Erika, that because she has not seen
the video and she never wants to see it, and I want to make
sure that I do my part to make sure she doesn’t. So yeah, I mean, I was
traveling with him a lot and did it feel dangerous
to you, the public, the public’s work. Like, do you feel like you had
anticipations or premonitions of what happened. I mean, everybody plays this
mind game after the fact. Did we have
premonitions about it. And you have these thoughts
that run through your head and you try and put them down
because you don’t want to live in fear. And you’re watching Charlie,
who’s absolutely refusing to live in fear. So and we had a full
security detail around him all the time. And by the time he
was killed, I mean, the security system
and mechanisms and the team members
that we had around him were very robust. And we spent a lot of
money as an organization. We took it very seriously. And so what I became aware of
after the fact was that a lot of what we had to do was
rely on these campus stops, which rely on local PD,
whether that’s campus PD or local PD. And so much of it, so much of
the I guess, safety or lack thereof, is contingent
on the precautions that they put in place and the
plan that they have in place. And some of that is beyond
the control because Charlie’s security detail covers
his immediate proximity. They have a 30 yard
jurisdiction, if you will, and then the perimeter
and the ingress egress is all controlled
by local campus PD. And that’s if you want
to do an event on campus. Those are the rules. So was I scared. No, genuinely I wasn’t. Was I aware that Charlie was
becoming increasingly famous. Yes I’ll never forget
he came and visited me. I guess probably a
month, month and a half before it happened. And he just got mobbed. Selfie, selfie,
selfie, selfie. And it was this moment. I was you’re
really famous now. If you don’t mind, can you
just say something about what the day itself was
like for you Yeah well. It can be brief
Yeah, I know it’s. So the day before,
actually, I had booked an interview for him
that he was not super pleased that I booked for
him, but it was a good reason for doing it. But he was like what. I’m tired now and I want to
focus on the tour tomorrow. So you’re going to guest
host the show tomorrow. So I guest hosted the
show that morning. It was uneventful. And we had a pre-record
for our two, actually. So it’s probably
two in the weeds, but he’s texting
me on his way. And he’s going over talking
points about polygamy because he’s going to Utah. And why is monogamy important. And, we’re just rapid fire. These are our
thoughts on monogamy is advanced societal tech. And it, the killer app
of Western civilization. Exactly it directs
male energies in the right
direction and societal building all these things. And that was about I think
I had it was like 33 minutes before he was killed. And I’m sitting
there at my desk. I’m answering a
couple calls, emails, and I got a call from
a girl on our team. She was in this desperate. You could hear it in
her voice and she said, they shot Charlie. They shot Charlie. I was like, who shot Charlie. What? you know what. Is he O.K. Is he
going to live. Instantly That’s
where I’m like. And she just said,
I don’t know. I was like, how bad was it. She was like, well it looked
pretty bad, but I don’t know. It was quick and immediately I
just shell shocked, completely shell shocked. And I immediately
thought, I have to do something
people are going to look to me for direction
and answers and I got nothing. I got nothing. And so I log on to x to see
if anybody’s talking about it yet. And then I see it that it’s
being just initially reported, no videos. And next thing my phone. This is the part I’ll never
forget because my phone starts to just text, text, text,
text, phone call, phone call, phone call. My phone is literally the
next day it stopped working. I had gotten so many phone
calls and so many texts and it was I mean, I can’t even
tell you it was thousands of pounds, upon
thousands of texts. Some people saying I’m so
sorry or tell me it’s not true. Or is he all right. And then just a lot of
reporters going, can you confirm that Charlie
Kirk has been shot. And I’m like just
these heartless, this is from such and such
outlet like we’re trying to confirm if. And I’m just thinking
this is like, one of my best friends
in the world my brother and my business
partner and I like, what are you supposed to do
in this moment when they’re. They want to know if
they can confirm it. And you’re like, I don’t
even know what the truth is. So how long did it take before
you knew he had died Shock. There was AI want to say
probably 30 or 40 minutes. So there was a report. There was a report Yeah,
it was before I knew, before Trump put the Truth
Social out and I remember feeling grateful
that he put that out, because I remember having
my computer up because I’m supposed to message this. And I remember like it was
literally that one of those scenes in the movies where
you have the first sentence and you don’t know
what to say next. I kept deleting it,
kept deleting it, and then so I was
extraordinarily grateful. I was funny because I got
a call from some reporter, and I think he was trying to
take a swipe at the president for sending off that. He was like, did he
coordinate that with you. And it’s like, well, no. And I’m so glad he just ripped
the Band-Aid and said it. But yeah, I had heard that
he was pronounced dead in the hospital. And that Erika had gotten
the call basically. And then I flew
straight to Provo just to I just felt like I
needed to go and be there. And yeah, so I was there
and at what point, I guess, at what point did it become
clear to you that this was going that you were going
to at least temporarily, not fill Charlie’s shoes, but
take over part of his role. Because obviously since then
you have been not alone, but you have been running
the Charlie Kirk show. You are, for the
moment, the voice, the voice of Charlie Kirk. In the aftermath, when did
that become clear that was something you were going to
undertake Yeah I just want to be very clear that I
don’t see myself as that. I worked with Charlie just
about every day for eight years, and I feel like I have
a Charlie GPT or something in the back of my head. I mean, truly, I here as long
as you don’t do the weird we are not going to do the weird. I think we’ve been pitched
on that multiple times. I’m just like, guys, no,
no not no, not at all. It was in the
immediate aftermath. It was the day or two after
I remember Erika looked at me and said, "They will not
silence my husband’s voice. You have to keep
the show going." And, JD Vance had flown
to Utah to pick us up. So we were all in Phoenix. And by the way JD Vance, I
can’t say enough good things about him and Usha and the way
they’ve comported themselves and the support they’ve been
to us and to Erika in this time and that transfer. I can’t tell you how
much that meant to us. It truly was just
an amazing gesture to see Air Force two
fly down into Utah and pick up Charlie
and take him back home. It was really amazing. So we’re all in. We’re all in Phoenix that
Friday and we decide we’re going to host the show. And I remember as the seconds
ticked down before we go live and just going, I have no
idea what I’m going to say. And I still don’t
really remember. I’ve never gone
back and watched it, but we just knew we
had to keep it going. And Erika when Erika Kirk
looks at you and says, They won’t silence my
husband’s voice. You have to keep speaking." You do it. Let’s talk a little
bit about I guess, that mission and the
role that he played, that you already talked
about having a front seat for watching him play when
Charlie was scheduled to come on this show. One of the things one of the
things I wanted to talk to him about was my own sense that
he was maybe more important to conservative politics
than people realized, and some of that had to
do with the incredible infrastructure of turning
point that we’ve already been talking about. But some of it had
to do with this kind of relational dynamic
that you were describing. Not just the show, but texts,
phone calls, friendships, and so on. There’s a lot talk with
current divisions on the right about the idea of a William
F Buckley jr. figure. Someone who’s figuring
out what is and what isn’t conservatism and who’s
in and who’s out. And that’s my understanding of
Buckley’s role as someone who came on the scene, late,
late in his career, but had some exposure,
was that it was much more relational than intellectual
that it was about that he sat at the center of a network of
people who didn’t always like each other, but all liked him. And I felt as a distant
observer that some of that was there with Charlie. And I felt it much more
strongly, honestly, since his death, because
one of the things that has obviously happened
is that there is just a lot of infighting in the
kind of activist, podcaster influencer space on the right. So I’m curious generally
what you think about that. Maybe specifically, you could
talk about the most intense version of this that I know
you’ve had to deal with which is just the incredible
proliferation of conspiracy theories since his death,
almost JFK level stuff. Do you want me to go
conspiracy theories first or Yeah let’s start with the
conspiracy theories, actually. And then get
bigger from there. I think you’re right,
though, that I think they are connected. There’s been obviously people
want to know what happened. And I don’t begrudge them
wanting to get to the bottom of it. I also don’t begrudge them
of distrust for authority and a distrust for
institutional authority and governmental authority,
because we have been lied to about things. And so I understand it on some
level like genuinely don’t begrudge people that. And I think in a weird way, a
testament to Charlie’s impact and his importance. And so I have trained myself
to see the conspiracy theories as a testament to
the love for Charlie, just for people who don’t know
all the conspiracy theories. The theories
you’re referencing, the fact that some of the
theories are basically like, obviously someone on Charlie’s
team must have set him up. Sure or that he was betrayed
or and I do my best. And this is why I’m. I’m so grateful that I have
faith because I’m able to pray for people that are taking
that energy and directing it at people. Charlie loved his
closest friends. And that gives me
a lot of I think, an anchor in a pretty
tumultuous storm otherwise. And I also watched Charlie
deal with so many lies about him. I watched him over
the years learn when to stay silent, when
to speak into things, when to correct, when
to be strategically absent on a conversation. And this is where the two
subjects bleed a little bit together, where you have a lot
of people that are now part of canonizing Charlie Kirk. But in life were either they
were not particularly friendly or they were outright
hostile Yeah and so, I mean, I think the most explicit one
where there has been really clear attempts to
of claim his mantle and his legacy for completely
different perspectives is the issue of Israel. And obviously that is also
entangled with the conspiracy theory stuff, because some of
the most prominent conspiracy theories have involved
have involved Israel. And I have a general
question about again, I assume this was
one of the issues that you guys were talking
about before he was killed. But then there’s also the
specific reality that Candace Owens, who is one of the most
popular podcasters in America, was Charlie’s friend. She is the leading voice
for many of these theories. And so I’m curious what your
view of her arc since his since his killing is Yeah,
I would say when it comes to the issue of Israel, it was
certainly something that we wrestled with a lot. I mean, Charlie, would go to
some campuses and it was like 50, 5,060 percent of the
questions were about Israel, and that was for two years. That was true. It wasn’t true
at all campuses. It depended. But every campus there was
questions about Israel, and they were questioning
the US relationship with Israel funding. What about aipac? I mean, he got
the gamut right, and he got better and better
at answering those questions and spent a lot of time
trying to study the issue. Because I think when
Charlie Charlie started, he was at I don’t want
to say he was Normie, but he was kind of took
it at its face level, greatest ally in
the Middle East. But he was questioning
some of the dynamics because at the end
of the day, Charlie was really against war. He hated war. He took a lot of flack for
fighting against this March towards endless blank check
funding of the Ukraine war. He was vehemently against it. He didn’t want America to be
involved in killing abroad. He wanted us to
focus domestically. We saw it as this a drag
on the entire movement, and we wanted it to stop. And when you’re trying
to have a adult, mature conversation about what
our relationship should be with a foreign ally, and
it’s met with an emotional response, on the one hand,
you understand it from the pro-Israel side,
from the pro-Israel side. But, but from both
sides, candidly. You start going like, well,
how are we going to get anywhere on this issue if we
can’t talk about it reasonably and we can’t disagree
about basic things. So those things were gnawing
at Charlie, there’s no doubt. And he was also, I
think, frustrated that he would go on campus. And he was defending Israel’s
right to defend itself, its right to exist. And he felt like he was
doing more heavy lifting for a foreign country than
the foreign country was doing for itself, at least
from a PR standpoint, and selling this and that
frustrated him to he didn’t feel like it
should be his role. How much of those
questions do you feel actually came explicitly
out of the attempt by Nick Fuentes and the groyper
movement to target Charlie and put him on the
spot and attack him as opposed to being
a kind of organic. I mean, not that Fuentes
support isn’t organic in some sense. No, I actually yeah. So I think what’s interesting
and I don’t know if this is contrarian take or not, but I
think that it’s hard to know I guess inspired by organic,
I think the ideas of Fuentes when it came to
immigration and Israel, it’s like there were there’s
nuggets of some pretty I think there’s truth in some of
those immigration arguments, for example. And the conservative
side of the aisle was not willing to address
some of those questions. Just give me an
example of the. Well, yeah. And I would like
to separate that from some of the vitriol
towards Jewish people that Charlie
rejected, wholesale. So I want to make
that very clear. But when it came to this is
actually a fun, funny story. So one in the
early days, I think Erika and Charlie
were just dating at the time we took a drive. All three of us from, I think
it was Iowa City up to Chicago and all we did, the whole car
ride was debate immigration. This must have
been 2018, 2019. And I was living in
California at the time. I saw some of the
cultural cohesion issues really up close and personal. And so I was the
immigration Hawk in the car. Erika was probably more
in agreement with me. And Charlie was like he
still had this kind of legacy Chicago boy experience
where he’s like, look at all this farmland. Chicago is losing population. We need more immigrants. Charlie changed it
abruptly on this issue. But I remember telling
Charlie Charlie, you are wrong
about this topic. Like, this is a
bigger issue than you, than you are realizing. And Charlie just wasn’t quite
on that page because he had gone to a high school
in Wheeling, Illinois, where it was, I think,
white minority high school. He interacted, had a good
experience at that high school and didn’t see
any issue with it, and was and Charlie started
out his political journey more libertarian. Anyways, he eventually
became very convinced that immigration was, I think,
if not the number one issue, darn near the number one issue
that’s animating the base. That is important to
conservative voters to feel like we are able
to still have our country that we grew up in,
feeling like there is a sense of place,
a sense of identity, a shared American identity. He became very
convinced about that. And I think do you think
he was responding there to the kind of questions
that he was being asked and the interactions
he was having. No, I think he was
responding to experiences he was having outside of that. I think he was responding
to political stories. I think he was watching this
emergent dynamic play out on the National scene. And whether that’s Ilhan Omar
or Rashida Tlaib or something like this, which he was deeply
upset at the lack of gratitude from personalities that you
might see online and felt like America had opened its arms
and we were not getting the love and return. More of a grievance based
politics and in a departure from conservative ideals. Further, further and
further and further. It was worried that these
cultures were bringing in socialist
ideas, or that they were going to scapegoat white
America for some perceived ill or offense. Those types of concerns,
I think, grew over time, and he began to realize
that the sheer volume was unsustainable,
that and then boom, the illegal immigration
crisis of the Biden years put them well over the top. So I think it was a
natural evolution. He just became
more conservative and his faith became even. It was always
important to him. But I think it became
even more increasingly so important to him. And that began animating a lot
of his political views Yeah well, so just to look
ahead for a minute, let’s take those three issues
as useful for thinking about out where the right is going
and just try and take them one at a time. We’ll say Israel, immigration
and religion and Christianity. And I want to use them
to stress test maybe how much cohesion
there really is on the right going into
the end of the Trump era. So start with Israel. And I notice you didn’t answer
my question about Candace Owens. I think Candace Owens
is a clear example of just how much
potential division there is on the right. Now, where Yes, as
you were suggesting could see a kind of
stable middle ground that reassesses the us-israel
relationship in some ways. But in practice,
you just have a lot of absolutism in
the pro-Israel camp, and then you have an
anti-Israel camp with Owens as a prime example that has
just veered all the way very quickly into anti-Semitism. So maybe start with her. What has happened
to Candace Owens. I don’t know is the truth. I know that. I mean, I’ve
known Candace for. I guess I want to say
probably 2019, I think, is when I first met Candace. And she was always
very opinionated. She was always, I would
say, a fiery personality. And she for a while she
existed within the turning point ecosystem. And she’s just simply grew to
the point where it made more sense for her, I think, in
her eyes to do her own thing outside of the turning
point ecosystem. And she’s obviously a
tremendous just talent. And from a pure
oratory standpoint. And she I’ve you’ve
seen pictures of Charlie and Candice at in Israel for
the embassy moving ceremony when they moved
it to Jerusalem. So at, when I was interacting
with her more frequently, there wasn’t a
question about Israel. Do you or your team
have interactions with her nowadays. I interacted with her in the
immediate aftermath of what happened with Charlie. I didn’t realize that
it was going to be this, that we were going to be the
subject of a daily streaming show where our own
characters were impugned, or that we were somehow
implicated in a betrayal, conspiracy or something. I just assumed that
she was his friend. And she was obviously worried. And she was traumatized,
as we all were. And I had kept in contact
with Candice intermittently over the years. So I thought I should call her
and be her point of contact. When everything happened and
she was obviously distraught. And I felt for her. I knew I had no. Foresight that it was going
to become what it’s become. And for those, again, for
people who are watching or listening who don’t know
exactly there is constant programming on her very, very
popular podcast, that is Yeah, it is a kind of conspiratorial
drama about the betrayal and murder of Charlie Kirk,
in which Israel features prominently people
close to Charlie. right. France, but you
haven’t called her up. Someone doesn’t
call her up and say, what the hell is going on. I believe there’s been one
contact in relatively recent days, but other
than that, I mean, it became apparent that we
were becoming a focus of her ire and that it was not
exactly a safe relationship to proceed with. So, yeah, I mean, do
you think your audience and her audience
overlap right now. I think, yeah, I
mean, I think some. So I’m not sure how many
people are really buying into some of the French,
the French theories. I don’t know what people
are really buying. I do think that there is an
arc see this with Netflix. You see the true
crime genre of things. It’s a successful drama
genre especially women seem to especially be drawn to it. So I think there’s a big,
group that tune in just to see what’s coming next in
this unfolding narrative. But yeah, I mean when
and I will tell you, I will never look at a
conspiracy theory the same way again, because when you’re
close to something and what’s true and what’s not, one of
the allegations is that Bibi Netanyahu was offering
Charlie all this money. That’s not true. There was never an offer. If there was, nobody on
the team knows about it. So Charlie would have had to
just privately seek the secret flights Yeah first of all, I
don’t think Charlie would have ever taken anything
from Israel. Just as a matter of principle
or from Ukraine or from the UK like he just had a hard and
fast no foreign money rule has. Has this changed how you think
about Trump era conservatism then. Because there is I
mean, let’s be honest, there’s a lot of
conspiracism on the right. And I am by the standards of
the New York Times’ I am more sympathetic, I think, to many
people about some conspiracy theories. I think there are weird
things in the world that are not fully understood. I have interest in everything
from Jeffrey Epstein to UFOs. But same good. We’ll do a show
about those subjects. But it is also the case
that there is a kind there’s a wildness to conspiracies
rising on the right in the era of Trump, in the era of
COVID, with the 2020 election and so on, that is
just a distinctive part of conservative culture. Do you regard that
more critically now, maybe that you’ve been on
the receiving end of theories about yourself that
not to be true. I’ve never been a huge,
hugely conspiratorial person in general, but I’m very
sympathetic to why people are. And when you think about
the conservative mindset and the conservative
wiring, you realize I think even more
why this is happening. What we are living
through is an era where conservatives
have this bent to conserve our tradition,
to conserve our culture, conserve our heritage. But those
institutions that are supposed to be doing
the heavy lifting for us are not in alignment. They are institutional. Capture by the left in
America is pretty dramatic. And so I understand that
that’s actually fueling a lot of this. And then you throw in
JFK, you throw in 9/11. You throw in COVID,
all of these things that have I mean
that people question. They question, are they
getting the real narrative or not, just having been on
this side of a conspiracy theory and you just know you
just realize there’s a pattern to this where they will allege
connections that might have a grain of truth,
an ounce of truth, and then they will leap to a
conclusion that is so wild. And you’re like, how did
you put one and one together and then allege this
from these two things, or throw in a third element
that wasn’t even true, and then that spun it in a
whole different direction. And then all these
people believe it and then just
distrust you or are and now you have this pall of
doubt cast upon your person. So that’s the part that I
didn’t fully appreciate being on that side of a conspiracy
theory as opposed to being on this side of it. And you’re just like, O.K, the
facts have to matter somewhere in this equation. And I think as a
conservative movement, we do have to make
sure we’re fact based. We do need to be sure that
we police ourselves of some of the zanier
crazier, I think, intellectually lazy
conspiracy theories. But when it comes to UFOs,
when it comes to Jeffrey Epstein, I think there’s some
good there’s some conspiracy theories that we
need to dive into. How do you do that policing. And is it on just
the Israel question. If there’s no one who can
call Candace Owens and say, what are you doing. You should stop. And she’s only one example
of people who have gone all the way to conspiracy
theories and to anti-Semitism on Israel. Can the right hold together
on Israel when there’s so much difference. Again, going all the way to
conspiracy theories Yeah, I would say that
the answer is yes. I firmly believe that
Charlie believed that and he was working. I think the preliminary
stages of that, I would say this is a
generational moment where you have President
Trump, who is almost 80, in the White House,
who is obviously fully supportive of Israel,
at least ostensibly so. He’s friends with
Benjamin Netanyahu. But the base is complicated,
a complicated friendship. Complicated friendship,
complicated relationship. The president has
been pretty stalwart in his defense of Israel. But I think what you’re seeing
is this generational divide. You could call it
under 40, under 50, which is becoming increasingly
skeptical of the status quo. Now, I can tell you from our
experience with Turning Point that we did a Charlie and I
actually did a focus group with a bunch of
our students when we were at the
Student Action Summit, and that was just
in July in Florida. And we had dozens
of these kids. We kept rotating them in. We wanted to get a
really broad section of their feelings
about Israel. And it was remarkable because
a lot of them were like, well, we like Israel. We like them more than Hamas. But that doesn’t mean I don’t
have questions about should we be funding them. Do we have to get
dragged into wars. It feels like we’re getting
dog walked into this conflict. And I actually thought that
was great because what I don’t want to see and I think this
is through line for Israel is you do not have to support
Israel to belong to the team, at least in a traditional
historical sense. I don’t want to see a
conservative movement like that. I’m an American. I’m born in this country. My kids are going to be
raised in this country. I’m going to die here. They’re probably
going to die here. I care about America. I mean, God bless Israel. I want them to succeed, too. I just want to make sure
we’re taking care of home base first. And I totally personally get
that impulse and that and I said, it’s the animal passions
of the America First movement have been unleashed. President Trump perhaps didn’t
foresee or could not foresee all that would entail. But this is a central
pillar of this. And I think Israel has become
a symbolic battle about what does America First really
mean? Yeah. Immigration seems like a different case. On Israel, you have these
divisions within the right. You also have them
within the left. And both coalitions are
trying to find a stable center on immigration. It seems to me you
have tremendous unity on the right now, and that
the arc you described earlier of Charlie going
from being moderately pro-immigration to being
very anti-immigration, is just a general arc for
the conservative base. This is if you ask me,
what is the populist. Believe in. What is MAGA believe
in right now. It’d be hard to do any better
than immigration restriction as a unifying issue. At the same time, it’s also
a place where the larger country, including lots of
people who voted for Donald Trump in 2024, are not all
the way where you are or where Charlie is. And there’s a lot of people
who have the suburban high school experience that
Charlie had that you describe, who have incredibly favorable
experiences of immigrants and immigration. And there’s a lot of
people who were alienated by the Biden immigration wave,
but also look at the right now and look at deportations to
and Salvador prison and look at ICE agents wearing
masks and are like, well, I want deportations, but I’m
not sure that I want that. And you yourself
just said, well, in being
anti-immigration, there are some things Nick Fuentes
says, that I think are true. There’s a lot of
Americans who are like, if you and to be clear, I know
you’re not saying that his anti-Semitic or
racist hate is true, but there’s a lot of
Americans, it seems like, who are sympathetic to
the Republican Party, who could be turned off by
mass deportations for 20 years. Everyone has to go
back of conservatism. What do you think
about that Yeah well, and just to clarify what I was
saying, what Fuentes tapped into, which I do believe
that there is truth in, is that you have a whole
generation of young men. And we saw this, for years. There’s a whole generation,
especially of young men, but of young women, too, that
felt betrayed, alienated, discarded, villainized by
the establishment class, and that they were told that
they were the problem just for being born in America. Maybe they had
white skin, maybe they had Brown or black
skin, but they were told that they were toxic. They were told that
they were an issue. And when you do that, whether
knowingly or unknowingly, you are going to create a
whole class of people that are probably going to be
reactionary for something that they were told they
were supposed to get but that got screwed out of by
the incumbent financial system or by the incumbent
political class. And that’s an energy
that once you unleash it, once you cede the ground for
the base elements of that, it will. There will be a reckoning. And that is a
truth, regardless of who talks
about it, that you have to as an American,
come to grips with. Now, what Charlie’s
mission was to say, hey, before us are two roads. You can either go grievance
politics, socialism, free stuff, populism,
Mangione, modernism, or you can go MAGA. Now, you might not
like MAGA on its face. You might think it’s mean or
cruel or bad PR or whatever, but at least you
can live with it. It’s going to be a
tough pill to swallow. And stuff the
National populism. There’s going to be some
medicine that we all have to take here, but at
least on this road, there’s still going
to be an American. What is the tough
are we talking about. Are we talking about. But when you say
those two roads, are you directing that to
the alienated young man or to the squishy moderate. Probably both. Probably both. I think MAGA MAGA on its
face is a tough pill for some to swallow that would
maybe be young people. So I’m putting myself back
into that 2022, 2023 mindset. Joe Biden in 2020,
there was a lot of ink spilled about how
he did with the youth vote and how he did so well. So we had a tough
mission going into 2024. And Charlie had
a tough mission. How do you sell this populist
conservatism of Trump to a generation that
seems to be repelled by either the energy or the
branding, or Trump himself. And so that’s a tough pill to
swallow for some young people. What so what we
started seeing, though, was that they
had been so disenchanted with the liberal establishment
and the economic reality that they were facing,
the malaise, everybody could feel it, that when
you would start forcefully presenting the conservative
worldview on these campuses, they started flocking. But I think for a long time,
it felt like this is going to be a tough how do you sell
being accountable for your own actions, being the fact that
we have to deport people that are here illegally and
you’re going to confront all the nasty headlines and the
sob stories from the news media. But here’s my one pushback to
the premise of the question. I think that this has
been going on for so long, and the transformation of
the country and in our cities and basic social services
have been so dramatic that this is such a
wildly popular position. And I think it goes
beyond the base. And you saw how much
immigration played into Trump regaining the White House. So I think people
underestimate the issue of immigration. I understand that
there is differences of opinions about the raids
or we should be deporting. Let me just speak for
the squishes, right. For a second, because it seems
to me that when you’re talking about the hard sell of
MAGA to different groups. There’s one there’s
the group of alienated, not all young men, but we’ll
just call them alienated young men. Who have the experience
that you’re describing. And those are the
people who are getting pulled to more
and more hardcore positions and potentially all
the way to where Fuentes is. So to those people,
Charlie, a year ago now are in the position
of saying, O.K, how do we keep them from
becoming white nationalists. But we have to be sufficiently
hardcore that they feel like they’ll stay on our side. But then there’s another group
of people who were not super conservative, but were totally
alienated by the Biden economy and by the Biden immigration
wave, and who voted for Trump. Maybe they voted Republican
for the first time. That group included a
lot of recent immigrants, second generation immigrants,
a lot of Hispanic voters. But those voters are
never going to be hardcore anti-immigration
voters, I don’t think. And it just seems I feel like
it’s not just your dilemma, but it is. It is your dilemma in
part is you’re trying to simultaneously say,
look, we’re really hardcore on immigration. We’re going to do all the
things that the alienated young man who feels like he’s
lost the future of his country wants you to do. But in doing some
of those things end up alienating the
moderate conservative who you got in 2024. I don’t know that that’s true. I just don’t know that
I agree with that. I actually think I could be
wrong Yeah, it has happened. I think that is when we
saw that dynamic play out in 2016 with build the wall
and the never Trump movement. And people consistently
underestimate this issue. People have a memory of the
way the world used to feel when they were a kid or when
they were going to school, and they see how it’s changed. Now, some of that
change can be O.K, and some immigration certainly
can be O.K. As a country, we’ve historically scaled
up or scale down or changed the way we formulate it. I think that there has not
been nearly enough reform in this area,
whether especially with legal immigration. H-1bs this is still a wildly
and dramatically animating issue. And I think even with
moderates that maybe don’t want to tell a pollster
that they don’t like it, but they don’t like it. O.K like people want to feel
familiar in their communities. They want to live near people
that they share values with. And there’s nothing wrong with
that, by the way, I think so. So many times we
turn this into a oh, you’re a xenophobe
or you’re a racist. You’re a bigot. No, this is as old as time. People like to
be in a community that they feel safe in,
that they feel like they know their neighbors. This is just the way
people tend to congregate. So I would say, I think
you’re underestimating. And then when it comes
did New immigrants, you’re not giving immigrant
communities enough credit for understanding the downside
of unfettered mass migration. And then I just
again, I would say this is an issue that has
been underestimated time and time again, and
it will consistently deliver for the
conservative movement. What else is conservatism. MAGA conservatism turning
point conservatism for right now, because we’ve entered
a phase of the Trump administration where there’s
no big legislative agenda in Congress. And I think there’s clear
unity on immigration on the right, clear
divisions on Israel. And I’m just uncertain what
the other animating issues are that will shape the contest to
succeed Trump and everything after that. And you’re closer than
I am to those voters. What does the populist right
want in 2026, 2028 and beyond. Well, besides
immigration setting aside immigration and the
Israel debate Yeah, I mean, affordability is huge. And I think what we need to
be for and you’ve seen this at least the beginnings of
this is, a economic moonshot, if you will, to make
housing more Affordable. I think housing is the crux. I think people owning
their own homes, feeling like they have
a stake in this economy, in this country. I mean, if you want to
have a nation of renters, then those people are going
to burn down the country real fast when things go South. And so a bulwark
against radicalization. Revolution is letting people
own the roof over their head. It’s a place to build a
family to get married. So, I mean, I
agree with Charlie and I work these ideas out
together before he died. And it’s like, hey, we need
5, 10 million New homes. We need to make sure
that those are not being bought by institutional
money or by foreign buyers. We should be considering
a lot of creative ideas. Now, I’m not a policy wonk, so
I’ll let the experts work this out. But maybe they get to
write off the first $50,000 of their mortgage. Maybe they get maybe they
get special interest rates or whatever. The idea is, let’s
throw 50 year mortgage. No, the O.K, the
50 year mortgage was potentially a
bit of a mixed bag. What’s funny O.K. It’s
O.K. You can just say it’s a terrible idea. It’s probably a very
terrible president. President Trump
is not watching. Well, I shouldn’t say that. Maybe he is. No, no, no. Listen, I actually. So the reason I
hesitate, my instinct was that it was
a terrible idea. Then we put it out
to the audience and asked them
what they thought. And people are smart. I mean, listen, a lot of
our audience was like, hey, listen, you don’t want to
be a debt slave to this. I mean, the median home
buyer is 40 years old, 50 year mortgage, you’re 90
by the time you pay that off. But a lot of people
were saying, well, if that gets you
in the door, you start your house
appreciates in value. You could refinance people. People are already
getting creative, and they were seeing
it as a potential tool that they could
take advantage of. So I just want to
say on its face, it felt like
lipstick on a pig. But our audience
was split on it. So you just said,
I’m not a wonk. I want to encourage you
to wonk, wonk out on just take this issue as an example. It seemed and
again, this connects to some of these
larger dynamics on the right in the
age of Trump, right. You mentioned two ideas. We need to build
a lot more homes, and we need to make sure
that they aren’t bought up, BlackRock foreign
investors and so on. It seems to me that when
I look around the right, there’s a lot more enthusiasm
for that second point. When I go on social media and
someone’s like, oh, bad news. Hedge fund is buying up
real estate or so on that gets tons of engagement. And there’s less engagement. If someone says, here’s my
legislative plan to remove regulatory impediments
Yeah, right. But I feel like that’s often
the dynamic that the right gets trapped in where you
have all this energy around mistrust of institutions. But in the end, if you
want more homes in America, the most important
thing is figuring out how you build more of them. So this is I’m not asking
you for the 10 point plan. I’m just encouraging you
to sell because so much of the problem with the 50
year mortgage a lot of these ideas, is you’re
subsidizing demand. But the right and the left,
everybody we need supply. We need supply. You need to address core
affordability issues, structural problems
Yeah no percent. And I mean, I think I’m not
trying to be Coy or not answer the question. I genuinely believe
that there are people that are steeped
in the regulatory side. What What it takes
to build a home, what it takes to clear the
land, what it takes to approve the permits and all that
stuff that are far more versus some people. People from your home
state of Nevada, I think, probably have some
strong views on this. I mean, it’s funny about this
is I am a conservationist by heart. Being a Western
boy and watching cities expand into
beautiful virgin land has always been a
struggle for me, actually. But I do think
that we do need to. It’s simply too important. All right, let’s end. Let’s end with faith and
religion and Christianity. Charlie Kirk was a political
activist, a political brawler, to some extent somebody who
liked who liked to fight. He was also increasingly,
as he got older, a more serious Christian. I feel to the extent that
there is a kind of inevitable curation and presentation
of a life in the aftermath of an assassination, that the
presentation of Charlie’s life has leaned on the
religious element. I’m curious if you
think it’s good, if Charlie Kirk is remembered
more as a evangelist for Christianity and
not just Christianity, but someone who was a trying
to be a model of fatherhood and religious commitment and
family commitment to young men. Is that a more important part
of his legacy than politics Yeah, I think so, yeah. It’s not even a
question, actually. He was asked not long
before he was killed and you could say before he
was martyred, which I do count him as an American martyr,
as a Christian martyr, that he wanted to be
remembered for his courage, for his faith. And as the years
went on, it was very clear to me just how much
more pronounced that became, even as he would
talk about politics. And, Charlie believed that
America was fundamentally founded as a Christian nation
for Christians, providentially guided by the hand of God
to become the greatest nation in the
history of the world, and that if we lost
our Christian heritage, we would lose our identity. We would lose the very
thing that made us special, that made America so great. And Charlie and I
bonded originally, over our shared
Christian faith. Like, that was really
one of the things that brought us together. And it’s one of those things
that I think will guard you from anti-Semitism. It will guard your heart
against the radicalization and the excesses that
you see in these corners of the internet. And I think that’s why when
you asked me earlier in this conversation, were you afraid. And I said, well, no, but
because Charlie wasn’t afraid and he wasn’t afraid
because of his faith, and I think he had made. I think he had realized that
his life was not his own, and he had come to
terms with that. And he had come to
terms with the fact that God was going
to use him, however he was going to use him. One important element
of Christian culture and Christian heritage is the
idea of loving your enemies. It goes all the way back,
right to the Gospels. And there was a now famous
moment at Charlie’s memorial where Erika — Sorry, I have
to ask you about it. And I think it’s a
good place to end. His wife, one of the leaders
of the movement that he worked, that he built, got up
and talked about forgiveness and forgiving
Charlie’s killer, forgiving your enemies,
loving your enemies. And then the President
of the United States, also a friend of Charlie’s. A man on whose behalf
Charlie did so much work, got up and said,
and it was a joke, but it was not a joke, right. As with many things, Trump,
he brought it back up at the metal, the metal
freedom ceremony as well. That Erika can talk to
me and talk me into it. But he said, I’m
sorry, I can’t. I can’t help I hate
him, I hate my enemies. And I feel like that duality
is very obviously on display in conservative
politics, where you have a conservatism
and a populism that is informed by Christianity
in a lot of ways. But at the same time, I
think it’s hard to deny that the Trumpian attitude is
a huge part of right wing politics. The idea that, got to
know what time it is. You gotta fight your enemies. You can’t give them an inch. Would you agree. And you could disagree that
conservative politics, going forward through the
end of Trump and after, could use a little more
of the Erika Kirk spirit. And if you agree,
how do you do that. Well, if you’re asking, do
I endorse a little bit more of Erika Kirk’s spirit. Of course I do. Good O.K. I thought that
would be an easy lift. So now so. But what does that mean when
you’re not just preaching the gospel and talking
about Jesus’s love. But when you are doing
politics with your fellow citizens, who you end up
having really good reasons or feel like you have
really good reasons to treat as an enemy Yeah, I mean, I
don’t even love using the word enemy when it comes to
any political setting. I believe some
people certainly do. I find myself using words
like my political foes or whatever more often
because my misguided friends and neighbors. Yes, except sometimes
extraordinarily so. I would say, I think there’s
a tendency in the modern media landscape, especially when
you’re talking about legacy media and immigration’s
a good example of this, where they’ll major, they’ll
turn the volume all the way up for what I call a sob story of
somebody that’s in the country illegally getting deported. And they will turn the volume
all the way down on the sob story, which is actually a
real tragedy of a family that lost somebody to fentanyl
or that was trafficked, or that was hit by a drunk
driver that shouldn’t have been in the country. Whatever the
story was Will see the volume turned all the
way up in the legacy press. On the one, and all the
way down on the other. My counter to that is
that loving my neighbor and loving my community
means that I want to. Sometimes I’m going to be
forced to do the hard thing on immigration, or I’m going
to be forced to do the hard thing on Law and Order
issues, because actually, that’s what love looks like. Love does not look like simply
being sympathetic and saying, it’s no big deal. We’re going to let
this pass all the time. Love can look hard sometimes. And it’s basically saying, I
love you enough that you’re I’m not going to let you
drink the toilet water. America O.K, I’m going to give
you a glass of pure water. But that’s not quite. I think that’s
not quite what I. What I want to press you on. So let’s stipulate for the
sake of argument that there are a lot of potentially harsh
seeming conservative policies that can be well, that
deportation that can be undertaken in a spirit
of love for your country. And do not necessarily
conflict with Christianity. I think that’s true. I don’t think that
Christianity forbids deportation. I don’t think it forbids
various forms tough, tough punishments
for lawbreaking, any of those kinds of things. But there’s also a question
of the spirit in which you are doing those things. And this is where I think
the America President Trump contrast is sharp that if
you are deporting someone who is sympathetic, you can do so
while saying, this is the law and we have to
enforce our borders. But I understand that, I’m
doing something that is going to cause hardship. And I want to be
sympathetic to what people are going through. Or you can say,
every immigrant here is an invader and. And if you read
the social media accounts of certain federal
agencies in the age of Trump. I don’t get of cascading
spirit of Christian love coming from them. And I think that’s all
downstream of Trump himself, who is I would say I think he
believes in God in some way, but I don’t think that he is
animated by the truest spirit of Christianity. So I guess what I
want to know is it Christian to deport people. Can you have conservative
policies that are offered with more love and fellow feeling
than they’re being offered right now. I mean, I think you said
it that a lot of this comes straight
from the top right. That a lot of this
flows downhill from Trump, his
persona, his imprint on the conservative
movement more broadly. And this all reminds me of
by the way, the conversation that people, especially
in the faith community were having in
2016, 2017, what to do with President Trump,
the evangelical coalition that was around him. Can we support this. This man that has lived
a very worldly lifestyle. And I think that there was a
recognition by most certainly not all, but I would
think more broadly. I mean, you look at the
voting records of evangelicals and Catholics even and
you’re Catholic, right. Or yes, most days
Yeah most days a good day Yeah for a second
there, I was like Lutheran. No Catholic never. O.K with all you tell that
to all Lutheran, all Lutheran listeners. But make you have
to acknowledge that. That old cliche now. But we’re voting
for a president, not a pastor kind of thing. And you also have
to acknowledge that there are critiques,
especially for big Eva, as we call it, big
evangelicalism, a big evangelicalism
and the megachurches. And there is a
very ample reason to believe that the majority
of the evangelical movement, at least within the organized
church circles, became soft, became limp wristed,
became weak, feminized. And Trump was this vehicle by
which there was a handshake deal where he was
injecting a little swagger, a little masculine, energy
into church circles that had lost their backbone. Now the question then
becomes you were asking, could we do for a little
bit more of the spirit. And I would say, yeah Yeah,
I would agree with that. I would concede that point
to you that sometimes, even for me, when I see some
of the social media posts, I’m like that’s a
little too much. And then sometimes
I’m like, I love that. We’re just unapologetic
about the fact that we’re reinstituting law and order. So I see it from both sides. So there’s a lot of different
social media posts out there. There’s a lot. So I’m not going to say all
of them are bad or all of them are good. But I would say that we need
to find our backbone, I think, as a Christian movement
in this country and reassert
ourselves politically, which is why TPUSA faith,
was founded anyway. It was founded in COVID
because Charlie never believed that the
church was just going to roll over and take it. And they were going to
tell him they couldn’t meet and they couldn’t
worship together. He didn’t think that stood
a chance of holding up. And then it kind of
did, because when you get into a pastoral role,
there is all these forces that comes you to go halfway, to
say it a little softer to go, I would say a little
more feminized. And Charlie didn’t like that. He wanted everybody to
be able to come together, get encouraged, get courage
and to go back out and take that abroad and say, hey,
we’re not going to cede the public square anymore. But now, three years to go
of Donald Trump, as whatever happens, a continuing shaping
influence on the right. You work with
Erika Kirk, maybe a little more feminization. Christian yeah. Well, wouldn’t be the
worst thing in the world. Well, I believe the church
has become overly feminized. I think Erika would
agree with me on that. And she’s even said she’s
Turning Point is not going to become feminized. Now, that being
said, to the extent that Christian like core
Christian spirit and doctrine and biblical principles are
reflected in our government. I mean, I’m all for it. And certainly I
could concede that I would have a more
conciliatory tone at times than our president. And sometimes I’m glad he
showed me the way and said it like he said it. So I think all good Christian
execution of policy, you’ve got to take prudence
and it’s case by case. But certainly I think once
the era of Trump is past us, the next you’re not going
to Trump is singular. This moment will
not last forever. All right, Andrew
Kolvet, thank you so much for joining me. Thanks so much. It’s been a pleasure.