Ben Shapiro and Charlie Kirk Debate Trump's Conservative Legacy and the Bernie Sanders Threat

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Ben Shapiro and Charlie Kirk Debate Trump's Conservative Legacy and the Bernie Sanders Threat

Charlie Kirk sits down with Ben Shapiro to discuss the explosive growth of Turning Point USA, President Trump's disruption of conservative orthodoxy, and why Bernie Sanders terrifies him despite wanting Trump to face him. Kirk defends his relationship with Trump while Shapiro pushes back on conflating anti-leftism with conservatism. From immigration and spending to accusations of being too socially liberal, Kirk addresses his critics head-on. The two also dissect Trump's instincts versus planning, the populist-conservative tension, and whether the president can win against a legitimate Marxist in 2020.

March 1, 2020

Building Turning Point USA From Nothing

Charlie Kirk started Turning Point USA at 18 years old with no money, no connections, and no idea what he was doing. After failing to get into West Point, Kirk convinced his parents to let him take a gap year before college. That gap year turned into eight years as he built one of the largest student organizations in America, now present on over 1,500 campuses throughout the nation. The great irony, as Kirk points out, is that he runs an organization focused on college campus outreach without ever having attended college himself.

Kirk grew up in the suburbs of Chicago with a passion for politics and saving the country. He recognized that conservatism and conservatives had few places to turn on college campuses, leaving young conservative students without support or organization. In 2012, Kirk took it upon himself to answer that question by founding Turning Point USA, an organization whose mission is to educate, train, and organize students through campus chapters and yearly events.

The Trump Relationship and Campaign Origins

Kirk's relationship with President Trump began in the summer of 2016 after he spoke at the Republican National Convention. Originally a Ted Cruz supporter, Kirk endorsed Trump as the nominee, joining many others including Mike Pence who followed the same path from Cruz to Trump. Kirk approached Donald Trump Jr. with a proposal to do something with students and youth infrastructure, offering to travel across the country and organize student events.

Trump Jr.'s willingness to engage was unusual in politics, as there wasn't much hierarchy in the Trump campaign during those early days of July and August 2016. The surprising election result led to Kirk developing a close relationship with the president and his family. Kirk describes Trump as extraordinary to him personally, noting that the president has been very good to him and his family has been really good to him as well.

Kirk argues that President Trump has delivered results for the country that he wouldn't have even predicted for the conservative agenda and the American revitalization agenda. He points to economic success, record low Black unemployment, Hispanic unemployment, Asian unemployment, energy independence, and other achievements as evidence of Trump's effectiveness.

Navigating Trump's Unpopularity on Campus

Ben Shapiro raises a critical challenge: according to polls, President Trump is wildly unpopular with young people, particularly those on campus. This creates a unique tension for Kirk, who runs a major campus organization while being closely associated with a president who is probably most unpopular with the 18 to 21 demographic. While conservatism has never been supremely popular with young people, Trump seems to have raised particularly strong opposition among this group.

Kirk acknowledges both positives and negatives to Trump's presidency when it comes to college campus outreach. On the positive side, Trump's election opened a huge amount of enthusiasm and interest on college campuses. Turning Point USA's campus activism doubled, tripled, and quadrupled almost overnight. The Trump presidency emboldened college conservatives to stand for conservative principles even more than before.

Kirk argues that under a Mitt Romney-style Republican Party, students wouldn't be doing what they're doing today, such as starting Students for Trump groups at UC Berkeley or University of California Irvine. Trump taught conservatives they can punch back twice as hard and that they have to recognize the left as a destructive force. Kirk credits Trump with teaching that you don't have to be afraid to stand with conviction and say what you believe.

The MAGA Doctrine: Anti-Leftism Meets Conservatism

Kirk attempts to define the Trump presidency's ideology in his book, calling it the MAGA Doctrine. He argues it's a blend of conservatism, populism, common sense, and a pro-American approach. Kirk looks back to the Reagan era, noting that Reagan had eight years of conservative wins, but HW Bush undid many of those achievements by growing the size of government and putting back bureaucrats that Reagan had fired.

The doctrine Kirk describes involves analyzing every decision and deeply held belief in Washington DC by the ruling class and asking objectively whether it has been serving the country well. If not, what is the proper approach? By using this common-sense approach, Trump has organically arrived at conservative positions that other people who ran on conservative positions wouldn't have had the backbone to implement, such as standing for life, canceling the Iran deal, getting out of TPP, and withdrawing from the Paris climate accord.

Kirk makes the argument that Trump is trying to recover and renew a country that was almost managed to decline by a bipartisan big government consensus and globalist consensus under the Bush-Clinton-Obama years. This period featured George W. Bush with corporate tax cuts while keeping borders open and being hawkish on foreign policy, and Obama doing the exact opposite by sending billions to Iran while still keeping borders open with anemic economic growth.

Shapiro's Challenge: Anti-Leftism vs. Conservatism

Ben Shapiro raises an important distinction that creates tension in their conversation. While he agrees that President Trump is the most anti-left president of the modern American era, Shapiro argues there's a critical difference between being anti-left and being conservative. The reward of anti-leftism is that it makes very clear who the opposition is, something Republicans and conservatives traditionally have not done well.

However, Shapiro warns of the risks: anti-left is broader than conservative, and suddenly you may be associating with people who oppose the left but who are also not only not conservative but opposed to many ideals of conservatism. In the binary battle, there's a willingness to overlook activity that is not conservative in the name of anti-leftism. This leads to Trump's heresies, bad things he has said and done in the past, and the fact that nobody in the Republican Party seems to care about spending anymore.

Shapiro is old enough to remember when Republicans cared about spending, but now the spending is being blown out to an extraordinary extent. When someone criticizes this, they're accused of being an aid to the left because opposing spending increases is opposing a principle of the left, but because Trump is anti-left, it becomes an enemy of my enemy is my friend situation.

Kirk's Defense and the Gatekeeper Problem

Kirk attempts to address where the line falls between what is appropriate behavior in fighting the left and what is inappropriate. He points to morals and conservative values as the boundaries. Kirk and Shapiro both denounce white nationalists and those who believe one race is better than another. Kirk firmly rejects the idea that America should be any sort of racial majoritarian experiment, noting that the phrase e pluribus unum is part of the American Trinity along with In God We Trust and Liberty.

President Trump has denounced hatred and the vile insidious elements that exist, though they are a minority of a minority. Kirk recounts getting horrible questions on college campuses about Jewish individuals and immediately denouncing and fighting back against such sentiments. He argues there's a moral obligation as conservatives to kick out the demons in their own ranks, something the left never does as they embrace their extremists.

Kirk has faced criticism from certain groups for being too socially liberal, particularly regarding having gay staff members and sharing stages with gay conservatives like Dave Rubin, Peter Thiel, and Tammy Bruce. Kirk defends this position, stating he believes in biblical marriage as one man and one woman, but he also believes gay people have a place in the conservative movement. He refuses to apologize for having gay people on his staff or sharing stages with gay veterans who have served the country.

Immigration and the Unfair Accusations

Kirk addresses accusations that he's too soft on immigration, calling the charge that he's some sort of open borders advocate "nonsense." He admits he said something he should have articulated more stringently but clarifies that he believes in less legal and illegal immigration. Kirk supports Senator Tom Cotton's act to limit green cards to 500,000 per year and has consistently defended ICE facilities, supported building the wall, advocated for deporting illegal aliens, and pushed for making English the official language of the United States.

Kirk draws a distinction between immigration policy rooted in hatred of another group or racial supremacy versus policy based on the reality that the country is being taken advantage of and can't afford a million green cards every year. The former is wrong; the latter is a conversation he can have and sympathizes with. He believes the accusation against him is unfair given his consistent stance on immigration issues.

The Bernie Sanders Threat

Kirk describes Bernie Sanders as terrifying despite believing Trump would prefer to face him. Sanders is wildly popular on campus, and Kirk attributes this to the ease of being generous with other people's money and resources. If students have never been taught that America is a gift or blessing, why would they want to conserve that blessing? If they've been taught the country is racist, bigoted, homophobic, and backwards, why not have a revolution against it?

Kirk calls Sanders a legitimate Marxist who honeymooned in the Soviet Union. He points to Shapiro's critique as one of the best, asking the simple question: do you believe private property is a right, Senator Sanders? Kirk argues Sanders is a property confiscationist who doesn't believe individuals have a right given by God to own property. Sanders believes state first, human being second, and is a Marxist through and through.

Kirk's approach to Sanders supporters involves asking if they trust the government. Almost always they say no, claiming the government is bought by lobbyists, corporations, and the war machine. Kirk then asks why they would want to make that government bigger, and they have no response. This encapsulates Kirk's critique of Sanders and his supporters: the whole position is getting more people, more bureaucrats, and more power to the very government they claim to distrust.

Why Sanders Could Win

Kirk believes Sanders could beat Trump, arguing it's hard to run against "free" and that the media would go all out for Sanders, especially younger Marxist activist journalists who would be more excited than ever to paint him as America's salvation. While Kirk would philosophically prefer to run against Bernie because he embodies what the Democrat Party is trying to do, it terrifies him because any major party nominee could conceivably become president.

The race starts from a baseline of basically 40 to 42 percent locked in for each side. Sanders could become President of the United States, which should horrify everyone. He's a true committed Marxist who doesn't love America and is on a mission to radically redefine and deconstruct the country from within. Kirk references the school of deconstructionism, which creates cultural chaos everywhere to give rise to an authoritarian Marxist who can create a failed communist communal state.

Kirk believes Sanders will win states like California and Texas in the primary and will probably be the nominee. He thinks it's more likely Sanders gets the nomination than that the establishment steals it from him, as long as he wins a plurality of delegates. If Sanders walks out of a contested convention, he'll tell his supporters he'll campaign for the nominee, but they'll all stay home. Kirk agrees with Shapiro that it's almost impossible to take it away from Sanders if he has the plurality.

Trump's Attack Dog Advantage

Kirk praises Trump as one of the best attack dogs in American political history, calling him relentless and a monster in a good way when it comes to beating people up. Trump has the advantage that every piece of dirt that could ever be thrown at him has already been thrown. Shapiro describes Trump as a mud monster where no matter how much mud you throw on him, he just looks like mud because he's already made of mud.

In contrast, Bernie Sanders has never actually been vetted by the media despite being a useless octogenarian communist for 60 years. When Michael Bloomberg asked Sanders about his lake house during a debate, it was perfectly obvious no one had ever asked him straight to his face about being a millionaire with a lake house. Sanders didn't have an answer, and Kirk predicts Trump will drive to Sanders's lake house, pry up a floorboard, and figuratively beat him to death with it on live television.

Kirk imagines Trump will mock the lake house by saying it's not even that nice, that he would have built it better, cheaper, and quicker. By mocking it that way, it would get ten times more visibility and be on the front page of the New York Times, with more people learning about Sanders's wealth through Trump's ridicule.

The Electoral College and Second Term Questions

Kirk admits he thinks Trump might lose the popular vote worse in 2020 than in 2016, but he thanks goodness for the Electoral College, calling it a brilliant and important safeguard of the republic. America is not a democracy but a republic, a huge difference. Kirk argues that coastal elite cities dominated by Malibu and Manhattan shouldn't dictate elections, and the Electoral College forces candidates to go to more diverse parts of the country.

Kirk believes Trump shouldn't try to win the popular vote and should put all resources into Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Michigan, and similar states, focusing on five or six counties. He thinks the Black vote could have a huge impact, crediting Jared Kushner and his team for delivering results for Black America through criminal justice reform, Opportunity Zones, and record low Black unemployment. While Kirk doesn't think Trump will win 50 percent of the Black vote, he believes 15 or 20 percent is conceivable.

Shapiro raises the question of what a second Trump term would look like, noting there have been basically no plans beyond making tax cuts permanent and filling judicial vacancies. The Republican agenda has become extraordinarily short, with spending cuts very unpopular and Trump pledging not to cut Social Security, Medicare, or Medicaid. The conversation ends with this unresolved question hanging in the air.

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