Dave Smith Reflects on His Debate with Douglas Murray and the Collapse of Neoconservative Credibility

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Dave Smith Reflects on His Debate with Douglas Murray and the Collapse of Neoconservative Credibility

Dave Smith sits down to discuss his widely-viewed debate with Douglas Murray on Joe Rogan's podcast, examining what went wrong for Murray and why the confrontation exposed deeper issues within elite expert culture. Smith dissects Murray's opening strategy of dismissing podcasters as unqualified, his inability to counter substantive arguments about Ukraine and Libya, and his resort to accusations of anti-Semitism when challenged on neoconservative foreign policy. The conversation explores how the decentralization of media has shattered the controlled narrative once maintained by corporate outlets, why figures like Murray and Sam Harris respond with such emotion when their worldviews are questioned, and the danger of weaponizing accusations of bigotry to shut down legitimate policy debates about foreign governments and endless wars.

May 12, 2025

Looking Back at the Murray Debate

Reflecting on his debate with Douglas Murray that took place about a month prior, Dave Smith describes his real-time assessment of the encounter. During the first half hour of the debate, Smith felt that Murray had embarrassed himself in front of the world. Murray opened by chastising podcasters as unqualified to discuss serious foreign policy subjects, arguing that the expert class ought to be the ones consulted on these matters. Smith found this approach ridiculous, especially given that Murray chose to deliver this message on the Joe Rogan Experience, of all places, guaranteed to turn the entire audience against him.

Coming off the COVID years, Smith argues, the idea that anyone would try to convince people they ought to trust the expert class was absurd. Smith knows Murray personally and has always gotten along with him, describing Murray as clever, but clever in a boarding school way. Murray went to boarding school, as did Smith, and Smith instantly recognizes the debate style that involves dropping references suggesting deep erudition that doesn't actually exist. The idea that Murray is an expert, Smith contends, is absurd. Murray is a journalist like the rest of them who has been taken on PR tours in various countries by their governments trying to win his support.

The UFC Fighter Analogy

Smith uses an analogy to illustrate the strangeness of Murray's approach. If two UFC fighters sign a contract, complete their training camps, and show up at Madison Square Garden to fight, but one of them puts his hands down and says he's such a better fighter that the match is ridiculous, it defeats the purpose. They both accepted the debate. They're both there. If Murray truly had such advantages, he should have been able to demonstrate that by destroying Smith on the arguments. Instead, Murray's opening style turned everyone off and set the bar impossibly high for himself. Once they started getting into the actual debate, Murray had no answer for the points Smith was making.

Key Moments in the Debate

Two points in the debate stood out most to Smith. The first came during the Ukraine portion. Murray argued that the real question was why all these countries wanted to join NATO, suggesting they weren't incorporated by force. Smith countered that of course governments would want their defense subsidized and guaranteed by the most powerful government in history, but that wasn't the argument. The argument was why would the United States do this.

Smith presented two pieces of evidence. First, the Nyet Means Nyet memo, in which Bill Burns, later CIA director but then ambassador to Russia in 2008, wrote a private cable to Condoleezza Rice stating that talk about Ukrainian entry to NATO would lead to war. Burns specifically said this was the brightest of all red lines for the Russians and could result in civil war, forcing Russia to intervene, a choice the Russians did not want to have to make. This cable was only known because Julian Assange released it.

Second, Smith cited Jens Stoltenberg, the head of NATO, who said that Vladimir Putin in late 2021 put in writing and sent a draft treaty to NATO saying if they would just guarantee in writing that Ukraine would not be brought into NATO, he would not invade the country. Smith argued that all the powerful people involved were admitting the war was about Ukrainian entry into NATO. Murray's response was simply that the war was not about Ukrainian entry into NATO but about Putin's desires to reconstitute the Soviet Union. Smith felt this was not a response to his evidence, just an assertion without argument.

The Libya Question and Neoconservative Plans

The second key moment came during the discussion of Libya. Murray claimed he was iffy about the war in Libya, though Smith had read Murray's columns at the time and found this claim dishonest. Murray argued the war in Libya was fought because there was tremendous fear that Gaddafi was about to go genocidal, making it a humanitarian intervention. Smith pointed out that now there are slave markets in Tripoli.

More importantly, Smith asked how it could be a humanitarian intervention when four-star General Wesley Clark had said ten years prior that plans had already been made to overthrow Gaddafi. Clark told Amy Goodman on Democracy Now that in 2001 he had seen Pentagon plans to overthrow seven countries in five years. More recently, on Piers Morgan's show, Clark clarified that the plans actually went back to 1991 when he first saw them from Paul Wolfowitz's office, and that they were later revived by Richard Perle in a study paid for by the Israelis.

When Smith brought this up, Murray's response involved a joke about Wolfowitz's name sounding Jewish and a warning that Smith should be careful what he's wading into because bringing up Wolfowitz's name could lead people to hate Jews. Smith was stunned. Murray had no substantive response to the argument. He didn't address why plans to overthrow Gaddafi existed many years before the supposed humanitarian crisis. Instead, he resorted to suggesting that mentioning a government official with a Jewish name was somehow promoting anti-Semitism, even though Murray himself has talked about Wolfowitz as a hero to the Kurds in Iraq.

The Woke Tactic

Smith saw Murray's response as a pure woke tactic, the same kind Murray has built his career opposing. It's the approach of saying that even if something is true, you shouldn't say it because it might lead to bad outcomes. Smith pointed out that this same logic could be applied to everything Murray stands for, like his views on Muslim immigration to the UK. Someone could argue that expressing those views might lead to hatred of Muslim people, but that's not a counterargument. It's an attempt to shut down discussion.

Smith believes the boarding school debate style is all about creating the illusion of knowledge. You drop an Aeschylus quote, cite titles of D.H. Lawrence novels you haven't read, make references that suggest deep understanding you don't actually possess. It's sleight of hand, and that's what Smith saw throughout the debate.

Douglas Murray's Response

A day or two after the debate, as someone who has always liked Murray and known him for a while, Smith's first instinct was that Murray had destroyed his career. No smart person would take him seriously again. It seemed clear that Murray realized this himself. Rather than admitting what he'd done wrong, Murray doubled down and attacked Smith in a New York Post column.

In the column, Murray wrote that Smith, claiming some Jewish ancestry, has spent the last eighteen months since October 7th being very unfunny. The phrase "claiming some Jewish ancestry" particularly stood out. It suggested Smith was a fake Jew hiding behind a cloak of ersatz Judaism. Smith's response is straightforward: his mom and dad are Jewish, he's about 86% Ashkenazi on his DNA test, and he does indeed claim some Jewish ancestry.

But the larger point, Smith emphasizes, is that it shouldn't matter. He's talking about the behavior of nations, countries with militaries and parliaments. The American taxpayer is forced to pay for these things. But even if Americans weren't paying for it, any human being has a right to have an opinion on any issue. This is what the left did during COVID, claiming that questioning the wet market origin story meant you hated Asians, using accusations of racism to shut down inquiry. Now Smith sees supposedly right-wing figures like Murray doing the same thing, saying you can't express an opinion about where your tax dollars go or about people dying or else you're a bigot.

The Danger of Calling Out Neoconservatives

Murray's argument, Smith explains, is that if you call out Paul Wolfowitz or the neoconservatives more broadly, if you point out how they hijacked American foreign policy with Israel's interests in mind, you're creating fertile ground for Jew hatred to rise. Smith reads this directly from the neoconservatives themselves, from their own words, not from critics. Murray's position is that mentioning a deputy defense secretary because his last name is Jewish leads to anti-Semitism.

Smith argues the opposite: what actually leads to people disliking Jews is telling them they're not allowed to call out a government official because his name sounds Jewish. Facts don't care about your feelings, Smith jokes, suggesting someone should run with that phrase. The core question, the only one that matters, is whether something is true.

The Attack on Daryl Cooper

Another revealing moment in the debate was when Murray went after Daryl Cooper, the historian, without even knowing his name. Murray basically called Cooper a Nazi or something similar. Daryl Cooper is one of the kindest, most reasonable, most fundamentally liberal people around, someone you could give your routing number to who would never steal money, someone who if he had absolute power would kill nobody, a truly decent Christian man.

Smith finds it remarkable that Murray was smearing people whose names he didn't know and whose work he admitted he'd never listened to, and doing so right in the middle of an appeal to expertise. If you're going to claim people need to know what they're talking about to have opinions, maybe don't attack someone you know nothing about in the same breath.

Daryl Cooper is brilliant, his work is phenomenal, and he operates according to a simple template. First, he reads everything available on a subject. Second, whenever discussing history, he remembers that everyone involved is a human being who was once a three-year-old child, totally innocent. They grew up in real circumstances with real things happening to them. If you're going to do history, you have to constantly put yourself in different people's shoes, on different sides of conflicts. It's pure empathy.

Cooper's series "Fear and Loathing in the New Jerusalem" covers the period from the 1890s to 1947, from the creation of Zionism to the creation of the state of Israel. Most people only know the history from 1947 forward. Cooper's series actually made Smith much more sympathetic to the Zionists. It puts you in their position, helps you understand these were real men reacting to the circumstances of their day, and it's amazing they pulled off what they did.

Yet here's one guy who says you have to completely educate yourself on a subject and have empathy toward all sides, and everyone calls him a Nazi. Dehumanizing people is supposed to be bad, one of the core lessons of World War II and a foundation of Christianity and any decent society. That's what Cooper is trying to avoid. But no one tries to take apart his factual analysis. It always immediately goes to motive, to calling him a Holocaust denier or claiming he said something he didn't say.

Why the Emotional Overreaction

Smith notices a pattern. He describes things with a certain lightness, even when discussing passionate views. But Murray seemed emotionally overwrought. Sam Harris seems emotionally overwrought. They seem very emotional about all this. Smith suspects one fundamental flaw in atheism is that it doesn't really exist. Atheists think the flaw in believing in God is that God doesn't exist, but actually God does exist and atheists don't. There's no such thing as an atheist. They all have their religion, and whatever your highest thing is becomes your religion.

Almost no one is actually an atheist. When Smith attacks their religion, according to them that makes him guilty of blasphemy. But it's interesting that they're so brittle about it. If you're an atheist, you'd think the stakes would be zero. There's no right or wrong without an authority to determine it. You just cease to exist in the end. So what are you so mad about? Sam Harris doesn't even believe in free will. So what is he upset with Smith about? Smith has no choice but to be a misinformation artist if he's wired that way. And Harris isn't even making the choice to say that.

The bottom line with people like Harris and Murray is that what they've worked their entire career on has been completely rejected, and that's a tough position to be in. Very few people are able to admit their foundational views were wrong and adapt. There's a difference between making some mistakes and having your entire foundation built on hypocrisy and having that hypocrisy exposed.

The Hypocrisy of Identity Politics

Ben Shapiro built a career opposing identity politics as a proud Zionist. Feel however you want about Zionism, but it's identity politics by definition. You could not find a better example of politics built on an identity. Yet Shapiro is out there saying facts don't care about your feelings and identity politics is wrong while his number one priority is this manifestation of identity politics. You can only keep that charade going for so long before someone sees through it.

Smith recalls Bill Kristol, who he worked for for years and really liked and was grateful to. Kristol was a great boss in the 1990s. But Kristol came out against Smith and called him a Nazi without even calling him to talk about it. When Smith called and asked Kristol to lunch, Kristol refused. One of Kristol's criticisms was accusing Smith of advocating for an ethnostate. Of all the possible criticisms, this one is unbelievable. One of them is for an ethnostate, and it's not Smith. You almost can't even respond. People can't hear themselves.

The Media Revolution

We're living through something profound, a revolution in information technology that has led to mass decentralization of media. There are so many shows and different voices now. Smith constantly finds people he's never heard of before who turn out to have seven million followers, bigger than anyone on cable news. The corporate media apparatus of big newspapers and big cable news shows was very controlled. The range of allowable opinion was very narrow, what Tom Woods called the three-by-five card of allowable opinion.

That's been shattered into a million pieces. Now there are voices from all over, some good, some great, some bad, some really bad. But it's much harder to maintain control. The old system allowed them to say things like "even the right-winger John McCain agrees" or "even the far-left activist Nancy Pelosi." Sean Hannity calling Nancy Pelosi far-left is absurd if you've actually talked to or read actual leftists. These different tools of corporations are presented as left and right, but that's over now. It's much tougher to keep the charade going, and it seems to be collapsing fast.

You could be honest about it and maintain some respect, but when they accuse someone of dual loyalty and call that an anti-Semitic trope, it rings hollow. Ben Shapiro has said in his own words that his favorite thing about the United States is that it protects Israel. So he's already saying he has loyalty to both countries, and Smith is not sure about one of those loyalties but very sure about the other. That's not a statement against Jewish people. Smith is Jewish and loves Jewish people. He gets called a self-hating Jew on Twitter, but it could not be further from the truth. He loves Jewish people and many things about Jewish culture have had a huge impact on him and made him a better person. But this is about a foreign government, and Americans are allowed to talk about that.

Glenn Beck and the Crying

Smith saw Glenn Beck have Douglas Murray on recently. Beck wasn't mean to Smith personally, which he appreciated, but the conversation was ridiculous. They were having a conversation about a foreign government, and Beck had previously cried on his show talking about that foreign government. That's weird. We should not be doing that. You shouldn't even cry about our own government, but if you're going to cry about one, it should be ours. No one would even think to cry about our own government. We need to have a real conversation about this.

If you're concerned about young men getting too radical and too obsessed with or against Jews, which is a legitimate concern, it's not good for them, not good for the conflict, not good for the country, then the first thing you have to do is tell the truth. You can't keep lying to people. You can't keep refusing to allow the word "neoconservative." Mark Levin just accused the Trump administration of anti-Semitism for calling someone a neocon. Levin accused Steve Witkoff of anti-Semitism.

The Attack on Steve Witkoff

Steve Witkoff is someone who seems to have the hand of God on him, a thoroughly decent man running around the world trying to bring peace. Witkoff single-handedly helped save twenty Jewish hostages, or at least most of them were Jewish, in phase one of the ceasefire he worked out. Then Israel violated the ceasefire and they didn't get the other hostages back, although thankfully the American was just released. Witkoff has done more to help those hostages than anyone.

Mark Levin, who works at Fox, wrote on Twitter that "neocon is a pejorative for Jew." This was in response to Witkoff saying the neocon element believes that war is the only way to solve things. Levin called Witkoff an anti-Semite. Witkoff is likely Jewish himself, but again, it shouldn't matter. He's American and on the side of peace.

During the debate with Murray, Smith mentioned the neoconservatives and Murray made a play on calling it the n-word. Interestingly, Douglas Murray wrote a book called "Neoconservatism: Why We Need It." For people who don't know the history, neoconservative was their term for themselves. It wasn't a pejorative until the neoconservatives got control of foreign policy and ruined everything. Then it became a term used for any war hawk. Sometimes it's used when strictly speaking the person wasn't a self-identified neoconservative, but it's become shorthand for someone trying to get us into stupid wars.

The original neoconservatives used this name for themselves. They had no problem with the term until everybody started to hate them. Then they said you can't call us this. But it was their own term. You can read their own documents from the Project for a New American Century. You can read the Clean Break memo. They laid out what they wanted their foreign policy to be. There was a quote that many of them loved sharing about how every ten years we have to throw a small puny country up against the wall and show them who's boss. This was their foreign policy: multiple theaters of war in the Middle East to ensure the new century is an American century.

The Clean Break Memo

Anyone can read the Clean Break memo written by Richard Perle and David Wurmser to Benjamin Netanyahu. The break was from the peace process, from Oslo. The memo laid out a plan. Instead of the approach of Yitzhak Rabin and liberal Jews who said we have to make peace with the Palestinians so we can make peace with the broader Arab world, the new plan was different. Break with all that. No land swap. No Palestinian state. Have America overthrow all these other governments. That way Israel never has to make peace with the Palestinians and can enjoy domination over the region.

From Smith's reading, it seems many of them believed it. They thought overthrowing Saddam Hussein would bring democracy sweeping the region, then they'd overthrow Gaddafi, then the Mullahs in Iran, and the region would be better. Except every time they did it, it resulted in nothing but disaster, which could have been easily predicted and was predicted by wiser people. All these years later, you either have to apologize for your role in this catastrophe or defend it and talk about how you still believe it was the right thing to do. But you can't say critics aren't experts and are Jew haters for saying the word neoconservative. That's not an appropriate response.

The Beginning of Something New

If Mark Levin is calling the Trump administration anti-Semitic, calling Steve Witkoff anti-Semitic, we're at the end of something and the beginning of something new. Smith almost called Levin when he saw it because he knows him, but he really loves Steve Witkoff and thinks Witkoff's decency is palpable. His concern for people, his reasonableness, just comes through. The effects of what he's done have been great for America and great for the world.

Smith was offended but thought calling Mark Levin to scold him would solve nothing and would probably result in being screamed at. But Levin isn't stupid. If you're calling Steve Witkoff an anti-Semite on Twitter, you know you're losing. It's such a reckless thing to do. These people lecture Smith about not understanding the gravity of anti-Semitism, but actually he does understand it, which is why he's very hesitant to ever call anyone a bigot or Jew hater or racist. Those accusations intentionally try to dehumanize people on the accusation that they're dehumanizing others.

It scares people. Smith gets texts from people he really loves personally who aren't paying a lot of attention. They just hear there's anti-Semitism and Smith is part of it, and it hurts their feelings. They're confused and upset. It has such a divisive effect. The weaponization of these accusations to shut down legitimate policy debates about foreign governments and endless wars is dangerous, and the facade is crumbling as more people recognize the tactic for what it is.

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