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Lieutenant Colonel Tony Aguilar Exposes Starvation and War Crimes in Gaza After Humanitarian Mission
Lieutenant Colonel Tony Aguilar, a retired Green Beret with 25 years of combat experience and 12 deployments, shares his firsthand account from inside Gaza where he worked distributing aid from May through June 2025. Aguilar describes what he witnessed as worse than anything he saw in Iraq, Afghanistan, or Syria, a systematic campaign of starvation, indiscriminate shooting of civilians, and flagrant violations of the Geneva Convention. With only four distribution sites serving over two million people, and three located in active combat zones, Aguilar's testimony reveals a humanitarian operation that he says is designed to fail, leaving Palestinians to starve while American contractors operate on tourist visas. His account challenges the official narrative and raises urgent questions about American complicity in what he describes as war crimes.
A Decorated Combat Veteran's Credentials
Tony Aguilar is a retired lieutenant colonel in the United States Army who graduated from West Point and served 25 years as a combat infantry officer and Green Beret. His military record includes 12 deployments to Iraq, three to Afghanistan, and missions in Syria, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Jordan, the Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand, Cambodia, and Vietnam. He saw combat in many of these locations, was wounded in action, and received a Purple Heart, a Bronze Star for valor, and an Army Commendation Medal for valor.
After retiring on January 1, 2025, with his last day in the Army on March 1, Aguilar was enjoying retirement with his wife, also a retired military officer. Together they have 45 years of combined service. He was making breakfast for his family, taking his son to school, attending Boy Scout and PTO meetings, and looking forward to starting school in the fall. He had no political aspirations, no plans to enter another line of work, and no social media presence.
On May 13, 2025, Aguilar received a phone call from UG Solutions, a company based in Davidson, North Carolina, looking for experienced, recently retired combat veterans with special forces backgrounds. They explained a mission in Gaza, and after doing his own research, Aguilar agreed to participate. He was motivated by the special forces motto "de oppresso liber"—to free the oppressed—and by the simple Christian principle that there is nothing more worthy than feeding starving people.
The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation Mission
The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) was established to take over aid distribution in Gaza, replacing the former United Nations mechanism after the enclave was blocked. No aid had entered Gaza until May 26, 2025, when GHF began operations. Aguilar worked in Gaza from May 17 through June 26, 2025, under UG Solutions, a subcontractor handling the security portion of the aid distribution.
UG Solutions had previous experience in Gaza, having sent contractors in late January through March to control the Netzarim checkpoint during the ceasefire when Palestinians were allowed to return to Gaza City. Of the 314 government contractors working under UG Solutions, the vast majority—in the high 80th percentile—were American combat veterans from the military. A significant portion were special operations forces including Marine Corps, Navy SEALs, and Green Berets. Some came from law enforcement and various security backgrounds.
Remarkably, all American contractors entered Israel on tourist visas, the same visa type used by tourists visiting Jerusalem. They were armed with fully automatic weapons, pistols, shotguns, stun grenades, and machine guns, yet their legal status was identical to that of any civilian tourist. Aguilar later understood this was because the mission was thrown together hastily, and processing B1 work visas or other appropriate entry visas would have been expensive and time-consuming.
A Post-Apocalyptic Landscape
When Aguilar arrived in Gaza, he described the physical landscape as "post-apocalyptic," comparable to scenes from Terminator 2 with destroyed terrain stretching in every direction. It represented what he called "human depravity" and "the oppression of dignity." In Rafah, which had once featured nice buildings, beach resorts, street lights, and neighborhoods, everything was now leveled to the ground. Not a single building remained standing, and rubble was piled everywhere.
Driving through the old southern Rafah corridor to reach Secure Distribution Site Number Three, Aguilar saw homes reduced to piles of rubble with remnants of ordinary life—a couch hanging from rebar on what was once a second floor, a smashed refrigerator, shattered family photos still clinging to broken walls. These were lives destroyed and taken, a scene he had never witnessed to this scale in his 25 years of combat deployments.
During recent aid drops, journalists were prohibited or discouraged from taking video or pictures of the overhead scenery because, in Aguilar's assessment, "if the world sees that, I think the world would step back and pause to think to say, 'What are we doing? What have we become?'"
Nothing Compares: Worse Than Iraq, Afghanistan, or Syria
With decades of experience in combat zones including Baghdad, Mosul, Sadr City, Afghanistan, Syria, and the southern Philippines, Aguilar has a unique frame of reference for destruction and violence. He stated unequivocally that nothing he witnessed in any of those locations compared to what he saw in Gaza. He described it as "brutal, destructive, violent," and said it "steps far over our international laws of how we prosecute wars and how we engage in warfare."
According to Aguilar, the situation in Gaza has "long departed from that standard and America is a part of it." The American involvement is obvious—all contractors on the ground are Americans, armed with American weapons, operating under an American-led foundation, funded by American taxpayer dollars.
Distribution Sites Located in Active Combat Zones
One of Aguilar's most significant concerns relates to the location and number of distribution sites. Prior to the blockade and the stopping of UN aid, there were 400 distribution sites in Gaza. Under the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, there are only four. Three of these four sites are collocated within 150 to 200 meters of each other in the far southwest corner of the enclave near the Egyptian border—nowhere near the people who need aid most.
North of the Netzarim corridor, which bisects central Gaza from the north, lie Gaza City and Jabalia. This is where the population is most vulnerable, facing death and starvation in isolation. No aid is going into this area, and there are no distribution sites there.
The three southern sites are all collocated with IDF combat units. The Israeli Defense Forces are currently conducting Operation Gideon's Chariots in this area—an offensive combat operation, not a defensive, security, or aid operation. The fourth site in central Gaza near the Netzarim corridor is located adjacent to an Israeli tank unit, a Merkava tank company.
Aguilar emphasized that establishing secure distribution sites to deliver humanitarian aid not only collocated with Israeli combat units but located in an active combat zone is, verbatim, a war crime according to the protocols of the Geneva Convention, to which the United States is a signatory. He stated clearly to leadership at GHF and UG Solutions and to lawyers he spoke with that this violates international humanitarian law.
War Crimes: A Professional Assessment
As an officer who led men in combat, Aguilar is well-versed in the protocols of the Geneva Convention, the laws of armed conflict, and international humanitarian law. Ignorance was never an option in his role. He identified multiple specific violations:
Displacement of Civilian Population: The intentional displacement of the civilian population on the battlefield during combat operations is prohibited by the Fourth Protocol of the Geneva Convention. Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu has publicly acknowledged this displacement, and GHF itself introduced a press conference by stating they are "feeding the starving and displaced population of Gaza," essentially admitting to a war crime.
Targeting Civilians: The Geneva Convention specifically prohibits firing at civilians with lethal ammunition to control the population. Aguilar witnessed this repeatedly.
Humanitarian Sites in Combat Zones: Establishing humanitarian distribution sites in the middle of combat zones violates Protocol 3 of the Geneva Convention.
Classification of Entire Population as Enemy: The Geneva Convention specifically prohibits the classification of an entire population as the enemy based on the actions of a few. Israeli officials have characterized all of Gaza as Hamas, which Aguilar identifies as another war crime.
Aguilar noted that Netanyahu appears to be working through a checklist of Geneva Convention violations, treating them as a to-do list rather than prohibitions. He emphasized these are not politicized or exaggerated claims—they are "black and white" violations, as clear as a driver's manual stating "stop at a red light."
The Mathematics of Starvation
At a press conference, GHF announced they had delivered 96 million meals to date. Aguilar broke down these numbers to reveal a stark reality. GHF had been delivering aid for 65 days when this announcement was made. With a population of 2.21 million people requiring three meals per day, the calculation is straightforward: 96 million divided by 2.21 million, divided by three meals a day, divided by 65 days equals food for only 15 days out of 65.
This means the population received one meal approximately every three days. Aguilar compared this to child neglect: if a parent fed their child only once every three days, that child would be removed from the home. Yet GHF presents these numbers as an achievement worth celebrating.
The foundation provides no water to the population, despite the 8-12 kilometer walk to distribution sites and the fact that all the food provided—rice, lentils, beans, flour—requires water to cook. The reason given to Aguilar was cost: distributing water weighs so much that it breaks down the profit per cost per truck.
How the IDF Treats Palestinian Civilians
Aguilar described the treatment of Palestinian civilians as "nothing more than treating them like animals." Even UG Solutions and Safe Reach Solutions personnel on the ground referred to the Palestinian population as "the zombie horde," a dehumanizing term Aguilar recognized from his years in Iraq as a dangerous sign of moral deterioration.
In his extensive time on the ground at all four distribution sites during morning, afternoon, and evening distribution windows, Aguilar never once witnessed a threat, a hostile act, a weapon, or anyone from Hamas. He emphasized he is "pretty keen at looking out for things and staying alive," yet not once did he experience anything that would constitute a threat.
When Aguilar first arrived at a distribution site on May 24, 2025, Israeli soldiers sitting near the tower asked him, "Why are you feeding our enemy? Why is America coming here to feed our enemy? You're not helping." This revealed how IDF soldiers on the ground perceive the humanitarian aid operation—as feeding the enemy, despite the fact that the recipients are women, children, the elderly, the disabled, and the needy.
The Distribution Process: Eight Minutes of Mayhem
Aguilar walked through the mechanics of how distribution sites operate, revealing a process he calls fundamentally dehumanizing. Palestinians cannot drive to the sites; they must walk, and not in a straight line. They must go west to the coastal corridor, down the coastal corridor, into the Mawasi corridor, then down to the sites—a distance of 8 to 12 kilometers one way.
In the early morning, thousands of Palestinians queue up at the intersection of the Mawasi corridor and the coastal road. The IDF holds them there with tanks. When UG Solutions personnel radio the IDF that the site is ready, the crowd is released "in a massive tidal wave of people." As they rush toward the site—because they are starving—the IDF shoots at them with machine guns, mortars, tank rounds, and artillery.
Aguilar has video evidence showing that within 2 minutes and 15 seconds, hundreds of Palestinians are already on the site. In the pre-dawn darkness, over the heads of thousands of rushing Palestinians, tracer bullets fly, along with tank rounds and artillery rounds. The IDF does this "to keep the Palestinians on the right path." When Aguilar suggested using signs instead of shooting tank rounds, he was told it would cost too much.
The IDF forces in the south are reserve conscripts, not elite active army units. They don't train frequently, rarely shoot their weapons, and don't have night vision capability. They are shooting into the dark at thousands of people. When the sun rises, bodies are strewn along the road. The IDF claims they didn't do it or that Hamas did it, but Aguilar points out that Hamas is nowhere in this heavily militarized controlled zone.
On the site itself, the scene resembles Black Friday at Walmart if the store were cleared out except for one box of free TVs. There are 22 armed security guards managing crowds of 8,000 to 9,000 people—a ratio of one guard to 409 people. Within eight minutes, 25,000 boxes of food are stripped, taken, and gone. Aguilar called it "one of the most chaotic, deprived, dehumanizing things I've ever seen in my life," comparing it to the ISIS surrender in Mosul as the worst dehumanization he had witnessed—until Gaza.
After the main distribution, when a few people remain to pick up remnants of aid, UG Solutions personnel clear the crowd using procedures adopted from the IDF: throwing stun grenades, spraying pepper spray, and now using new devices about the size of a fire extinguisher with a fog hose to spray tear gas. As people reach the gates and the gates close, both IDF guards and UG Solutions contractors shoot at them—at their feet, over their heads, in the air.
Shooting at Civilians: An American War Crime
At the GHF press conference, officials acknowledged that shots are fired at civilians but claimed they "only shoot at their feet, over their head, and in the air," as if this justification makes the practice acceptable. Aguilar points out that shooting bullets from an automatic rifle at a crowd of thousands of people when you cannot see them due to berms, dust, and poor visibility means "you're going to kill somebody. Period."
Shooting at unarmed civilians on the battlefield for the purpose of controlling them or controlling the crowd is, again, a war crime. GHF's position is that "this isn't a war" and they don't have to abide by those rules. Aguilar counters that those rules apply to everybody no matter what, and more importantly, American contractors there as tourists should not have the authority to shoot anybody except in cases of imminent threat to their lives.
In all his days at all the sites, Aguilar never pulled the trigger on his rifle once, never took his pistol out of its holster, never used stun grenades or tear gas, "because I didn't need to." He was at more distributions, at more sites, for more time than any single person in the UG Solutions structure, and never once felt the need to use force against a civilian. He believes he knows "something about when it's time to shoot" given his extensive combat experience, and this was never that time.
He describes the behavior as "immature," "dangerous," and "a violation of our American values." Americans are not supposed to engage on the world stage by shooting at unarmed civilians because the IDF says it's okay to do so.
The Story of Amir
On May 28, 2025, the second day of distribution operations at Secure Distribution Site Number Two, Aguilar encountered a young boy similar in age to his own son, with brown eyes like his son's. The boy's name was Amir. He walked toward Aguilar and another UG Solutions guard from the crowd, and they motioned him over, thinking he might be hurt or asking for more food. All he carried was a small bag of rice, half a bag of flour, and some lentils he had picked up from the ground.
Amir extended his right hand to them. The other guard held his hand, and Amir kissed it. Then Amir came to Aguilar, held his hand, and kissed it—a very significant sign of respect in Arab culture. Both men, combat veterans with experience in Afghanistan and Iraq, were moved by this gesture.
Amir was severely emaciated, with no shoes, tattered pants held up by a rope or string, filthy, likely unbathed for months, likely unfed for days. When Aguilar put his arm on the boy's left shoulder, he could feel the bones in his shoulder, the weakness in his arm, the vulnerability, the desperation.
Aguilar got down on his knees to look Amir in the eyes and said, "People care. America cares. You're not going to be forgotten. People in the world care." Though Amir didn't speak English and Aguilar doesn't speak Arabic, they connected. Amir set down the items he was carrying, raised his small, fragile hands—bones visible through skin—placed them on Aguilar's face, kissed him, and said in English, "Thank you."
Amir then returned to the main group and exited the site. The distribution sites have a strict protocol: people enter from one direction and exit from another, both tied directly back into the active combat zone. Site Number Two is particularly dangerous because there is an IDF combat outpost just off the corner, with a berm lining the exit road that obscures the field of fire.
As the crowd left and hit the Mawasi corridor to go west, the IDF shot at them—at their feet, over their heads. American contractors shot at them as well. Aguilar heard the automatic machine gun fire and thought they were under attack. He ran to the southern berm and took cover, observing the shooting continue with Palestinians dropping on the side of the road.
Amir didn't make it home. He had walked 12 kilometers to get some food, picked up scraps off the ground because the "8-minute mayhem" had taken all the food, and when he left with no shoes, hungry and tired, he was killed by the IDF. Aguilar doesn't believe the IDF intentionally shot Amir or the specific people they killed, but when machine guns, tank rounds, and mortar rounds are used to control a crowd, the outcome is inevitable.
Reports from Nasser Hospital, about 5 kilometers from Site Number Two, confirm that every time GHF does a distribution at sites 1, 2, or 3, the hospital receives a massive influx of patients—a mass casualty incident every single time. Doctors have described the situation as "grotesque."
GHF's Attempt to Discredit the Truth
When Aguilar came forward with his testimony, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation immediately pushed back, claiming he was a liar and a propagandist, and specifically stating that the boy Amir is not dead. They produced a picture of what they claimed was the same boy alive days later.
Aguilar revealed that he actually took both photographs—the one of himself with Amir at Site Number Two on May 29, and the one GHF used showing a contractor with his hand on a boy's head. The second photograph was taken at Site Number Four on June 1. The metadata confirms the locations and dates.
It is physically impossible for the same child to appear at both locations because Sites 1, 2, and 3 are in the far south below the Mawasi corridor, while Site 4 is in central Gaza at the Netzarim corridor. Nobody can cross between these two areas. Additionally, when the pictures are placed side by side, it is obvious they are not the same person—different hair, different teeth, different ear size. Aguilar ran the images through an AI generator, which confirmed they are not the same person.
Aguilar demanded that the GHF lawyer retract the false claim, providing these facts as evidence. The foundation's willingness to lie about a dead child reveals the moral bankruptcy of the operation.
The Question of Leadership and Accountability
Johnny Moore, who leads the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, has no background in humanitarian assistance. Aguilar stated, "I'd feel safer grading a driving test by Ray Charles than listening to Johnny Moore talk about humanitarian assistance." Moore is a prominent Christian Zionist who appears to be a political figure rather than an aid distribution expert.
The mission was clearly "thrown together very hastily," a "mix of throwing so many parts together trying to get it all to come together," done "fast and loose." The planning and coordination were either done by people with "no idea, no concept of planning at that level" or the failures were intentional. Aguilar doesn't know which, but stated, "Someday that's going to come out when the truth breaks and the international community looks and opens this box and starts digging into this nasty problem."
Jake Wood, the number one person in charge of GHF and a former employee in the early paramilitary contractor realm including Blackwater days, quit on May 26—the very first day distribution began. He stepped down citing "reasons of unethical practices" and not being prepared to execute the mission properly. A couple of weeks later, Boston Consulting Group also stepped down because they discovered things were going on that weren't initially conveyed to them in the contract.
The funding sources for GHF remain mysterious. Many people in the United States government and media outlets have been trying to figure out who funded the foundation from the beginning and who provided the seed money, but nobody has been able to determine this. Switzerland—which "would even open an account for Jeffrey Epstein"—would not take GHF's accounts, which Aguilar finds highly telling.
GHF refuses to reveal its sources, its backers, where its income comes from, what it does, or to provide any reports. It does not allow reporters into Gaza and provides no transparent looks at its operation. Aguilar compared this to the behavior of North Korea, Russia, and China, asking, "Are those the people that we want to say that we're like? No. America is founded on transparency."
A Call for America to Act
Aguilar's motivation in coming forward is purely patriotic. He wants to inform the American people—his fellow citizens—of what is happening in Gaza, what American taxpayer dollars are funding, and what American citizens on the ground are facing. His wife, also a retired military officer, encouraged him to go on the record, explaining that no one else can tell this story, no one else was there, and no one else saw it through the lens of his unique experience.
He emphasized that until he received the phone call on May 13, he had no political aspirations, no political leanings, no desire to write a book, and before doing these interviews, didn't even have social media. This has all been "very overwhelming" for him, but he believes "America needs to know."
The international community is beginning to pay attention. France, Canada, and the United Kingdom are moving to recognize Palestine. When the world looks at what happened and "opens that box," the IDF and Israeli government will say, "Wasn't us. America helped us do it. It's their money." The world will ask, "What say you, America?" Right now, the United States does not have a good answer.
Aguilar warned, "If we're going to bank on, 'Oh, well, we didn't know or we just did what the IDF did.' Shame on us. Shame on us. That is not the American way. Those aren't American values. We don't kowtow to somebody else's standards. We set the standard."
He described the current American position as "rearranging the chairs on the deck of the Titanic. It's snapped. It's going down. And instead of trying to figure out how to get to a lifeboat or trying to figure out how to call for help, we're just rearranging the deck chairs listening to the band as the ship goes down."
The starvation has gotten worse under GHF than it was before because the foundation's process is failing to deliver enough aid—"not even nearly enough. Not even nearly to be a fraction of enough." People are dying, and the United States is complicit. Aguilar called for the government to say no, to stop supporting GHF, and to redirect funding to support the United Nations process, which the United States has been part of for 80 years since 1945.
His final message was clear: "We don't do it because the IDF say it's okay to do it and therefore we can do it. Well, we made that bed and we are in it. And that bed is about to get flipped over by the international community. And if we don't stand up and say something now like today, tomorrow, if we don't stand up and do something about it, we're going down that road. And it's not a good road to be on."
Video Transcript
Mr. Aguar, thank you so much for joining us. Before I ask you any questions, I I want to read uh what I think is your biography or parts of it because I want the audience to understand who you are. Um and so I'm going to read this and you tell me if I've gotten anything wrong. Um so you're a retired lieutenant colonel uh in the United States Army. You went to West Point. You got your commission in the army straight out of West Point. You served for 25 years in the US Army as a combat infantry officer and a special forces, a green beret officer. Uh you were deployed 12 times to Iraq three times, Afghanistan three times. You were deployed to Syria, Tajikhstan, Kazakhstan, Jordan, the Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand, Cambodia, and Vietnam. Uh you saw combat in many of those venues. Uh you're highly decorated. You were wounded in combat, received a purple heart, you got a bronze star for valor in combat, an army commenation medal for valor in combat. Um, and then earlier this year, you found yourself working in Gaza under GHF. And I'll ask you to explain what that is in a moment. Um, you were in Gaza from the 17th of May, this year, 2025, through June 26th, 2025, which was last month. Um, is all of that correct? >> That is correct, sir. And and the reason that I wanted to establish that before you tell the story that you're going to tell us um is because very very few Americans have been in Gaza in the last couple of years. Um and I don't know any others who have uh the experience in chaotic situations and combat situations that you have who've been there. And I think that really matters. Anyone who's been around combat knows it's enormously confusing. and having 25 years of experience around violence I think gives you greater credibility um because it suggests you can interpret what's happening accurately in a way that people who haven't had that experience probably can't. Um so with with that I want to ask you uh the first most obvious question what is GHF in Gaza? So, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation uh was established to take over the aid distribution um into into Gaza um replacing the former United Nations aid delivery mechanism post blocking or cutting off of the of the Gaza enclave. So there was no aid going in up until uh May 26th when we started operations and the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation was established uh to to lead that effort overall. So the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation uh I'm not sure in terms of their what their their actual status is in terms of a company or an NGO or a nonprofit. I don't I don't know what they're classified as, but I know that their GHF is the overall lead for both of the um contract mechanisms in Gaza. >> So, after 25 years as a as a US Army officer, West Point graduate, special forces officer, all these combat deployments, all the decorations that you received, how did you wind up distributing aid in Gaza? Well, sir, on May 13th, I received a phone call from the UG Solutions. UG Solutions is a subcontract for the security portion of this aid distribution method. They're stationed here in Davidson, North Carolina, where where I live. Um, I retired out of Fort Bragg and they contacted me basically looking for uh experienced recent recently retired or recently gotten out of the military, experienced combat veterans, special forces operations background. Um, so they contacted me and um explained the the mission to me. Up until that point, till I got that phone call, um, I was not aware of what UG Solutions or the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation was. So, um, I was I was interested and I listened to what they had to say. >> The reason I'm asking you this is I is I know that after this interview airs, there will be a concerted attempt to discredit you as a man. And I'm certain, having seen this happen many times, that one of the criticisms we levied against you is that you were some sort of political activist with a political axe to grind or an ideological axe to grind. Um, are you because it sounds like from the story you're telling now that you were a retired Army officer who received a call because of your combat experience. Is that is that correct? >> Prior to that phone call on the 13th of Mer and remind you I did retire on the 1st of January. I didn't retire years ago. Retired been through the 1st of January and my last day in the army was one March. I I was very happy and content. My wife also served a career in the military. She is a retired career military officer. Between the two of us, we have 45 years of service. Between her and I with my son, we've missed almost every birthday, every anniversary, every Christmas from the time that he was born to the majority of our marriage. And we're still married 17 years later. Um, so I was very much comfortable and established in my retirement lifestyle. No political aspirations, no aspirations to go into another line of work. I'm starting school in the fall. That was my aspiration. Um, I enjoyed making breakfast for my family, taking my son to school every morning, Boy Scout meetings, PTO meetings, watching the Golden Girls in the afternoon with a cup of tea, walking the dog. That was my life. And I was very content. When I got the phone call, I felt that initially because I didn't know much about the situation. When they first called me, I said, "Hey, I'd like to take a day to kind of do my own research and just kind of understand what it's all about." My answer is not no, but my answer is not yes. So I took the day, I took the rest of the day, I believe it was a Wednesday, and I went through the, you know, I started to read about GHF. Not a lot out there. I started to read about Safe Reach Solutions, which is the prime contract. Not a lot out there. I read a little bit about UG Solutions. UG Solutions had been the contract that sent contractors into Gaza in late January through March to control the Netarim checkpoint once the ceasefire broke or the ceasefire started I should say for the Palestinians that were allowed to then go back into Gaza City. So they had some credibility. They had it seemed like not many people had done contracts in Gaza. Us did. So, I figured that this would be an opportunity to link up with with a company that that had the had the experience, but I was more interested in the mission. I I say this again and I've said it again, you know, I don't know Johnny Moore, the the director or CEO or whatever the title is of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, but there is something that he said that I do agree with that there's nothing more Christian than feeding people. >> Yes. And in terms of the sentiment of doing goodwill, feeding starving people, I served for the majority of my career after being an infantry officer and going to special forces. The special forces motto as you see in the picture behind me of first special forces group is deopresso liber to free the oppressed. That is our motto. I don't just I just didn't have that on my uniform. I I I live that the the civilian population in Gaza, politics aside, political views, religious positions aside, they are being oppressed. Food, water, education, life, dignity, and I wanted to be a part of going in to to help in some way. So, I have no political aspirations. I have no political leanings. I have no desire to to to write a book or or before doing these interviews, I I don't even have social media and I've never really been out on on the internet. This is all very overwhelming for me. But my my wife was a big factor behind me going on the record. Um my wife being again a retired military officer, we understand a lot of the same values. And she explained to me, she said, you know, no one else can tell this story. No one else was there. Not only were you there, you were on the sites and no one else saw it through the eyes of your experience in the places you've been in the places you've and the things that you've done. The lens you look at this through is different than than most people have. You need to go on the record. The American people need to know this. My motivations in this are patriotic. I want to inform the American people, my my fellow citizens, of what's going on in Gaza, what our taxpayers dollars are funding, and what American citizens on the ground are being faced with. America needs to know. >> So, tell us what you saw and and I'm grateful to your wife um for her encouragement on that. I think she's absolutely right. Uh the United States is paying for this and there is almost no information coming out of Gaza. The news media of course are are b are barred. It's been going on for more than a couple years now. It'll be 3 years in October. And I we the sense is that there's something profound going on, but of course there's there's no way to know what's going on. So what did you see when you arrived? What were your perceptions of Gaza? So my initial perceptions of Gaza just in terms of the the physical aspect is that I would just describe it as as post-apocalyptic something from you know the akin to to Terminator 2 when the when the T100s are walking through the destroyed landscape. It's it's it's human depravity. It's the the oppression of dignity. It's the entire area like in for example in the south in Rafa I saw pictures of Rafa prior to the the current war and there were nice buildings there were beach resorts there were you know street lights and neighborhoods and now it is leveled to the ground. there is not a building that stands and the rubble is piled up and the you know as you go as you drive through uh Rafa to one of our one of our points secure distribution site number three was in Rafa so we would have to drive through uh the old southern Rafa corridor to get there and all of the homes just in in in piles and rubble and you can see you know someone's couch that's hanging from a piece of rebar out out of the second floor of a building or a refrigerator smashed or family photos that on the wall that are now, you know, shattered and broken. Like these lives were just destroyed and taken. And that's that's the that's the the the scene of Gaza. As you on the news, we aird drops were conducted over the last 48 hours and journalists were prohibited or encouraged not or encouraged not to take video or pictures of the overhead scenery. Because if the world sees that, I think the world would step back and pause to think to say, "What are we doing? What what have we become?" >> You've spent your life in combat zones. That's why I think your uh testimony is so compelling. Um because you have a frame of reference. You've seen a lot of destruction and a lot of killing in your life for 25 years. How would you compare what you saw in Gaza to what you've seen in say Afghanistan or Iraq? >> Nothing compares. Nothing I have seen in Iraq, in Afghanistan, in Baghdad, in Mosul, Solder City, all throughout Afghanistan, Syria, the southern Philippines, some places where there's dense populations. I have never witnessed anything as brutal, destructive, violent, and I would say that that that steps far over our international laws of of of how we persecute wars and how we engage in warfare. Um, we've we've long departed from that standard and America America is a part of it. >> How how is is it obvious that America's a part of it? And I know that we know academically the United States is is paying for this and and has always paid for it. But um do you see American weapons? Do you see American military personnel? I mean to how how imshed in this are we? So the the 314 government contractors under UG solutions uh the majority not not all of them but in the high 80th high 80 percentile are are combat veterans from the military directly from the military combat veterans like myself. You have a mix of law enforcement. You have a mix of u people that had experience in various security backgrounds. within that military portion, there's a good portion of them that are special operations, uh, Marine Corps, Navy Seals, Green Berets. So, all of the contractors on the ground are Americans. And the, you know, the interesting part of that is that when we first entered Israel, I was I I kind of had to take a pause and I was like, are we, are you kidding? Like I we we're we were all we were and are we are in Israel armed with fully automatic weapons and pistols and shotguns and stun grenades and and machine guns going into Gaza on a tourist visa. We are there on a tourist visa. So if my grandmother wanted to go visit Jerusalem, she would be in Israel under the same status that I was. >> Why is that? Um, at first I didn't understand it, but then I went and I did some research as to why why didn't we do a a B1 entry visa as subject matter experts invited by the government or under a different authority, there's there's various entry visa options. And it dawned on me that, oh well, if you want to submit for a a form of B1 or a different form of the B2 under a work visa, um, one, that's expensive, and two, that takes time. You have to coordinate that ahead of time. And this mission was thrown together. And there's there's no one within SRS or UG Solutions that will that will that will push back against this because we all know it. It was it was thrown together very hastily and it was just kind of uh a mix of throwing so many parts together trying to get it all to come together that I think things were done to be to be fast and loose as I would call it. And uh one of those was, "Hey, go online, fill out your Israeli visa, get your e visa, tourist visa, $25, and come on over to Israel." You said all of the contractors are American. Um the Israeli military, the IDF leveled Gaza. Are there any Israelis helping to feed or take care of sustain the life of the Palestinians or is it all Americans who are who were helping? >> So this is what was another aspect that was both interesting and concerning to me that that and I raised this issue early on because you know when I when I use the term war crimes people think that oh you're just exaggerating. Well, I'm wellversed in the protocols of the Geneva Convention, the protocols of the laws of laws of armed conflict, the protocols of international humanitarian law because I had I had to know those things as an officer leading men in combat. I didn't have the option. Ignorance was not an option. So right >> I some of the things now I don't have it you know memorized but there are some pretty key elements in it that kind of stand out like the I don't know the every word of the constitution but I can recite the preamble so I know what some of them are in terms of like what like what the don'ts are. One thing that struck me as as concerning is that there are only four secure distribution sites in Gaza under the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. Four. Prior to the blockade and prior to the stopping of UN aid going in, there were 400. So out of the four sites that we have, only four, three of them are colllocated within 150 to 200 meters from each other, all of them in the far southwest corner of the enclave near the Egyptian border. It's nowhere near the people that need it. north of the Netzarim corridor which bisects central Gaza from the north. In the north you have Gaza city and Jabalia. That is where the population right now is the most vulnerable where you have death, starvation, they're isolated. No aid is going into there and there's no aid sites there. So, prior to us deploying, you know, as a as a prudent military planner mindset, you know, I'm not in the army anymore, but I didn't, you know, I I still carry the the skills. I did a little bit what I would call operational preparation the environment. I did my research, looked at Gaza, figured out the population, where the population centers were, what what people ate, where they, you know, where they primarily lived and what they did. And I saw that, okay, well, the entire northern enclave of Gaza is cut off and isolated and none of the sites that we've put in are in that area. So, who are we providing aid to? So, the three sites out of the four that are all the way down in the southern tip of the enclave, all of them are coll-loc nearly located with an IDF combat unit. In that area is where the IDF is actively conducting. And this is this is not an opinion that anybody can refute. This is a fact. You can look it up. The the IDF is currently conducting operation Gideon's chariots. It's an offensive operation. It's not a defensive. It's not a security. It's not an aid operation. It is an offensive combat operation. and they are conducting that in the south where all three out of the 304 sites are located. We established secure distribution sites to deliver and distribute humanitarian aid not only colllocated with Israeli combat units but located in an active combat zone. I I can't make it clearer to to the leadership there and and to the lawyers that I've spoke with at at GHF and UG Solutions that that is a war crime. verbatim out of the protocols of the Geneva Convention, which last time I checked, the United States was still a signatory to the laws of international laws and law, international humanitarian law. Clearly, there's no question about it. So to say that, well, it's it's okay in this one instance, it's not. It's not okay. So just from immediately being there, I realized that that the planning and the coordination for this operation had either been done by people that had no idea, no concept of planning at that level to take into all the considerations that you have to take in into an environment like this. You can't just go into a mission like this and say, "Oh, we'll just wing it." You have to consider the legal, the political, the environmental, the cultural, the the the military aspects. you have to consider every aspect when you go into planning something like this. And it was obvious that that had not been done. So in my mind I was like this is either complete ignorance or it's intentional. They were intentionally put here. So I don't know the answer to that. Someday that's going to come out when when the truth breaks and and the international community looks and opens this box and starts digging into this nasty problem. The truth will come out. So, it's my hope that we didn't do that intentionally because that would not only make us war criminals, that would just make us evil. So, but the fact still remains three of the four distribution sites are in an active combat zone. The fourth site up in central Gaza near the Nessarim corridor is colllocated with an Israeli combat unit, a tank unit, mind you, a Maraba tank company is located adjacent to the distribution site. So, if someone were to look through the annals of history and see how the United States government participated in the distribution of humanitarian aid to the people of Gaza and they look at the the maps and they're looking at everything, they're like, "What was going on here? Why why are you distributing humanitarian aid in the middle of a combat zone?" It's a question that needs to be asked and needs to be answered, I think. >> Do you have any sense of what the current population of Gaza is, which is another way of asking how many people have been killed? How many Palestinians have died in Gaza? Do we know? >> Well, we I don't think anyone has a has a firm number that we can all collectively trust. I know that the the Gaza Health Ministry has a has a number. I mean, I can't I haven't been able to validate or verify that. But I know that um one thing I can tell you for a fact is that people have been killed. I've seen it. It's a fact. People have been killed. what the current population is now. I know that prior to the blockade, kind of the the last census for Gaza that was taken in I believe 2018, the population was declared to be around 2.2 2.21 million. What it is now, I don't know, but I would assume that the population has been greatly decreased. What I do know about the population outside of the demographics of it of the size is that the majority a far majority of the population is completely isolated from the central southern portion of Gaza and they are completely isolated in the south or excuse me in the north north of the Nessarim corridor in Gaza city. So that would be if you took everybody in New York and crammed them into this to southern Manhattan and said that's the only place you can be out of all of New York City. It's It's a nightmare. And I And I don't know why. Well, you know, to be fair, I do know why it's happening. I don't know why we're accepting it. I don't know why we're a part of it because it's it's a war crime to do that. It is a war crime to intentionally displace the civilian population on the battlefield in combat operations. What is displacement? Well, moving people from where they live to a place that they don't and not letting them go back. It's in the the fourth protocol of the Geneva Convention and we just turn a blind eye to it. It's happening. I mean, Netanyahu himself has said it yesterday. Gaza Humanitarian Foundation did a press conference where they even introduced it as we are feeding the starving and displaced population of Gaza. Okay, thank you Chap and Fay. You just admitted to a war crime. You're displacing the population. I mean it's these aren't rules that Tony Aguilar wrote. These are rules that the international community wrote and agreed to and we're not following them. Now what the IDF does is that on us per se at the strategic level I think it would be as one of our allies but at the ground level maybe it's not but we are definitely complicit in this ongoing operation. And when the world looks look at look what's happened the last couple days France is going to recognize them. Canada is going to recognize them. The United Kingdom is about to recognize them. The reasons why and the politics aside, the fact that they're going to do that is a fact. That is a reality. So, the world is going to become far far more interested in what's going on because I think the world has taken the blinders off to now look, okay, maybe it's not as bad as the far left says or it's not as good as the far right says, but something's going on here. Like, something stinks in Mudville. Like, we got to take a look at this. And when they look at it and they open that box, the IDF, the Israeli government with hands in the air, they're going to go, "Wasn't us. America helped us do it. It's their money." And the world's going to say, "What say you, America?" And right now, we do not have a good answer for that. And if we're going to bank on, "Oh, well, we didn't know or we just did what the IDF did." Shame on us. Shame on us. That is not the American way. Those aren't American values. We don't cowtow to somebody else's prop to somebody else's standards. We set the standard. Um, thank you, Colonel, for doing this interview. Um, how are people eating in the north if there's one distribution center in the middle of a combat zone and the majority, you say you think the majority or certainly a a big chunk of the population is in the north or central Gaza, northern Gaza, how are they eating? Great question. I don't know. >> Um, is the Israeli government bringing food in? >> I do know that the is the the Isra so the Isra within the Israeli government there's a an uh an organization called Kogat. It's at the government ministerial level that includes it's uh it would be I would compare it to what like USID was if US aid belonged to the Ministry of Defense or the Department of Defense like militarized aid type of thing or militarized humanitarian assistance. That's how I would describe it. But it's an organization called Kolot C O T A G. It's an acronym. I can't recall it off the top of my head because I didn't have much interaction with them, but I know that KOT does coordinate for the IDS. So not the UN escorted by the IDF, not the U. IDF escorting us, but escorts, humanitarian aid trucks that we provide, GHF trucks, the uh is we will we will provide some to the Israelis to to drive into certain areas of the central corridor. In my time there, I until recently until like just the last couple days when the UN trucks were allowed to to go into the north. So when you see the trucks on the news that are being swarmed with thousands of people, that's not in the south by the the three distribution sites or or central Gaza, that's north of the Nessarim corridor. So those trucks aren't coming in from the Egyptian border going all the way up and they're getting just attacked all the way. They're going directly into the heart of darkness. They're going through the Arez crossing, which is the Israeli Gaza crossing to the north, and they're going directly in with aid to a starving population that hasn't had any food for months. So, what they're eating, um, what they have been eating, I don't know. And I I think that when with the UN going back in there and with the international community going back in there, we're going to find some things that it I it's not going to be pretty. I mean, I it that reckoning is coming. The people in the northern portion alone, I know, are facing mass starvation. Now, I'm not educated in humanitarian assistance or or world food program in terms of what declares a a technical state of famine. I know there's like a a certain level of not eating for a certain amount of days within a population that equals famine. So, I don't know if I could technically call it a famine because I don't know what those rules are, but I would call it starvation. So when and I'm glad I'm glad that the president of the United States came out last week or uh excuse me yesterday on Politico and other outlets and said that he acknowledges and recognizes the starvation in Gaza. Thank you, Mr. President. That is exactly what's going on. The the narrative of there's no starvation and there's no hunger going on in in Gaza, that is negligent. That is shameful that anybody would say that. I not only is it evident to the world, I I've seen it. So if you don't trust doctors and lawyers and aid workers and and NOS's and Europeans and Westerners and Middle Easterners and all these people all over the world, Asians, everybody that's been in there that has seen this problem set, if you don't believe them, you can believe me. I'm an American. I was there. I have no agenda in this. I witnessed Palestinian parents, men and with mothers and fathers, carrying their dead children in their arms, skeletons. I witnessed that. I've witnessed people that have come onto the sites that you can see that they are just completely emaciated and starving. That's not fake. So if if the deniers want to think that we got Stanley Kubri to go into Gaza and take a bunch of crisis actors and shoot a film on to you know to fake this starvation but it's real and people are dying at this point right now because we the United States the Gaza Humanitarian Fund put up our hand and said we'll do it. The starvation at this point has gotten worse than it was before because the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation's process is leading to that starvation because it's not delivering enough aid. Not even nearly enough. Not even nearly to be to be a fraction of enough. And I've got those numbers quick to talk about if you'd like, but it's shocking when you hear the numbers. I would I I would and I would be interested um at some point to learn a lot more about the Gaza about this foundation Gaza humanitarian foundation. >> I would too. I think I think the I think the world would like to know more about the foundation. >> The man who runs it who was a prominent Christian Zionist is I don't think he has a background in in aid distribution. I he strikes me from reading about him uh as a political figure. So, I I'm a little bit confused by this, but it sounds like we all have reason to be alarmed by it. So, if you could proceed with those numbers, >> you should be alarmed by it. >> Grateful. >> I I'd feel safer I'd be safer grading a driving test by Ray Charles than listening to Johnny Moore talk about humanitarian assistance. >> He has no background in there. >> Have you met Johnny I'm sorry to laugh. Have you met Johnny Moore? >> Uh, I have not sat down and had coffee with the man. Um, I saw him when he came to the main control center in Gaza to to visit and then go out on a little uh photo op to site one. So, they brought him in under, you know, heavily armed security. It's like kind of one of the things when the when the in-laws visit, you put out the good towels. So, you know, when Johnny Moore visits, you know, you you you roll out the red carpet. So, of course, when he gets there, everything's great. Everything's and span. Um but the what's funny is that it wasn't and Span because while he was there and another of the um supporters that they brought in, Lieutenant Colonel um British Army, I I don't know him. I've never met him, but I've seen some of his interviews on site. As he's standing there talking, you can hear machine gun fire in the background. I mean, it it it it's akin to Baghdad Bob in 2003 proclaiming on CNN that there are no Americans in Baghdad as an M1 Abrams tank rolls right behind him. There are no there are no Americans in Baghdad. And then Abrams tank come from the third ID comes right behind him and he looks back and he's like, "Okay, there are some Americans in Baghdad." Like that's like like that's like what this is right now. It's like no one's starving in Gaza. Well, that person looks like they're starving. Okay, there's there's some people starving in Gaza. It's like, when is America going to wake up to the to the garbage? This is real. Like, people are dying. So, like, yeah, the I I'd love to know more about the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. Not a lot of people can figure anything out. I'd love to. And the thing is is that not revealing your sources, not revealing who you are, not revealing where your income comes from, not revealing who your backers are, not revealing what you do, not providing any reports, not providing reporter, not allowing reporters to go in, not providing um transparent looks at your operation. You know who else does things like that? North Korea, Russia, China. Are are those the people that we want to say that we're like? No. America is founded on transparency. Our country was founded on calling out other people's bull crap, calling out other people's, you know, like, hey, that don't look right. Tax, nah, not paying that. Not going to put up with that. America is founded on that. And yet, we're just sitting by and letting this happen. And going back, you know, so I have not met >> Let me just ask, do you know who is funding the Gazi Humanitarian Foundation? Is it it it's an arm of the state department? It's independent NGO. What do you know where the money comes from? >> I I don't who who is funding it from its base and like who has funded it from the beginning and who put the uh you know the um the seed money into getting it off the ground? Um I have no idea. But I do know that many many many many people in the United States government and within the you know media outlets have been working for quite a long time to try to figure that out. One indicator for me, you know, it's like when you're looking at a problem, I call it like AAM's razor. When you can't figure out what you're trying to find, but you can see the things that are there, it starts to tell you a picture of what the thing is that you can't see. It's like >> the science of a black of a black hole, right? Like you can't see it, but you can see everything that's happening around it to tell you to tell you what's happening. So I would say in this, okay, we have the Gaza humanitarian fund living led by a uh a Christian Zionist who has no experience in humanitarian assistance and humanitarian aid. The Switzerland Switzerland would not take GHF's accounts. Switzerland Switzerland would even open account for Jeffrey Epstein. >> Yeah. >> And they won't open one for GHF. That's that's telling. Like that's like whoa. that that don't pass the sniff test. Furthermore, the number one guy in charge of GHF, Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, Jake Wood, who was a former employee in the beginning of um the early uh paramilitary contractor, Blackwater days, I don't know if he was necessarily attached directly to Blackwater, but I know he was in that contractor realm, Jake Wood. The very first day we began distribution on 26th May, cutting of the ribbon, the golden shovel, the shotgun start for the marathon, you know what Jake Wood did? I'm out. Not going to be a part of it. The guy in charge of the entire Gaza Humanitarian Foundation on the day we started distribution for this mothership project quit. And he quit and he stepped down citing reasons of unethical practices, not being prepared to execute this mission properly. And that's exactly what it is. So, and then a couple weeks later, uh, Boston Consulting Group, they stepped down because they found out that there was things going on that were that weren't initially, uh, conveyed to them in the contract. So, so they left. So, when everyone starts jumping ship, you kind of start to look around like where's the hole? Like right now, I feel like the United States that we're just we're just rearranging the chairs on the deck of the Titanic. It's snapped. It's going down. And instead of like trying to figure out how to get to a lifeboat or trying to figure out how to call for help, we're just we're just rearranging the deck chairs listening to the band as as the ship goes down because we we believe what people like Johnny Moore say. Um and it's easily I wouldn't say it's discredit discreditable. I'm not out to discredit anyone. I'm just here to present facts. Facts that GHF themselves have proclaimed. So yesterday in when when Chapen Fay finished the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation press conference of which they took no questions when he finished he said we're going to get back to work delivering 20 26 96 million meals to date. We should not be celebrating that. That is not a mark to congratulate. That's and here's why. We've been delivering aid from he when he announced that yesterday. We've been delivering aid for 65 days. 65 days. Now, you don't have to be capernicus to figure this out. 96 million divided by 2.21 million divided by three meals a day divided by 65 days. We have provided food for 15 days out of 65 into the enclave. What happened to the other 50 days? So to say that people aren't starving and people aren't hungry, I beg to differ. That that what that breaks out to, imagine you're you're home. I mean, I I I assume you you you prefer to eat a meal at least once a day, maybe two or three, you know, like the standard breakfast, lunch, and dinner. Most Americans think that is the standard. You know, if you're only eating one meal a day, okay, what if I told you that um I'm only eating I'm only eating one meal on Thursday and one meal on Monday. That's all I'm eating. Would you be like, "Oh man, that's great. You're you're in a good place." No, you would say like, "That's stupid. Why are you you're starving yourself?" You know, it's if uh if my son went to school and the teacher started to notice that he was losing weight and he was emaciated and they came to my house and they said, "Mr. Agular, are you is your son eating?" "Yeah, feed him every third day. Bowl of cereal. Every three days I'll feed him." Great. They're going to be like, "Uh, you should not be a parent and we're taking your child away from you." >> Yes. >> So, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation should not be doing humanitarian aid and the United States government should say no and take away the child, which is Palestine, Gaza, and take all that money and support the United Nations process. We've been a part of the United Nations for 80 years this year. 80 years. 1945 since the United States is one of the signitories to the creation of the United Nations and we're giving him the finger. Why? Because of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation that is killing people. That's the math that those numbers that I just gave you, that's using their number. So, if GHF is going to start politicizing math, then I think we're in a bad place. >> How are you treated and how are the other American contractors treated by the IDF and the Israeli government? That would be a mixed bag depending on what level you were at. Um I I clearly remember on on the it was the uh 24th of May uh a select few of us a select few of the leaders were taken to the sites to the secure distribution sites to kind of get eyes on and kind of get a feel for the um for what the sites looked like kind of get an assessment. And I went to one of the towers. This was site one. Site one is really close to the Mediterranean, right in the corner of Egypt and Gaza and the Med. And I went up to the western tower and I'm just kind of looking out look, you know, assessing the area and sitting sitting next to the tower kind of at the base of it outside of the of the barrier of the burm um was a group of Israeli soldiers. And uh they looked up to me and they say, "Oh, are you are you an American?" I was like, "Yeah, yeah." They're like, "Oh, are you here for the uh for the aid?" I was like, "Yeah." And they asked me, "Why are you feeding our enemy? Why why is America coming here to feed our enemy? You're not helping." And I was like, "Oh, like that's I don't I don't have an answer for you. Can I get back to you later?" Like like I don't have an That's how they see it. So the guys on the ground, the grunts on the ground, the fighters, the IDF guys on the ground, their perception is that that the humanitarian aid going into Gaza is feeding the enemy >> at the level. What about the women and children? I mean, I understand they they don't want you helping Hamas, the leadership of Hamas. I That makes sense. But but you're But these are civilians you're feeding, right? Women and children and elderly elderly people and women, children, the disabled, the elderly, the needy. Yeah. That's who we're feeding. Or that's I should say that that's who we're not feeding. That's who we're supposed to be feeding. >> So, how are those people the enemy in any war? Those are just the the bystanders. Those are the people who didn't choose the war, who weren't fighting in the war, who were just being hurt by the war. And that that comment from this, you know, infantry IDF infantry soldier on the ground, you know, I don't that's a perception. And I think we've also heard the perception from the from the highest levels of the Israeli government that that all of Gaza all is it's all Hamas. Everybody's Hamas. And the reason that's striking to me because I feel like someone handed BB Netanyahu a list of the violations of the Geneva Convention, but but like took the took the numbers off of it and he's just checking them off like displacing the population. Do that. It's like, okay, well that that's a war crime. Firing at the civilians to to control the population. Okay. Well, targeting civilians with lethal ammunition to control the population verbatim is a war crime. So, you got that one. Check. What next? What do you got next? Uh, we're going to build the humanitarian distribution sites in the middle of combat zones. Oh, There's there's protocol 3. Got it. You just did that one. What's next? Oh, uh, how about we uh we label the entire society as as got as Hamas and kill them all. Wow. Bingo. You just got it straight across because now you just made another war crime statement because the Geneva Convention specifically hibits the classification of an entire population as the enemy based on the actions of a few. Is Hamas all of all of Gaza? No. No, of course it's not. Are we treating them like they're all Hamas? Yes, we are. Another war crime. So when I bring up these points about war crimes, it's not this this uh politicized bombastic, you know, like, oh, you stepped on my foot, that's a war crime. Like the war crimes are verbatim. The things that they say, not us. They they say it. We're displacing the population to move them to do combat operations. That's a war crime. I mean, I don't know what to tell you. I mean, >> well, you're a professional army officer of 25 years, West Point graduate. So, I mean, this is your business in a sense. So like there are rules. >> It is. >> Yes. Um and so I think you have credibility. You're not uh you know some hippie saying it's a war crime. It's like literally a war crime cuz there is an actual definition. And it sounds like they've met >> there is an actual definition there. There's a there's a definition of it. And when people call certain things war crimes that look horrific, I'm like, well that's that's not but I understand that that is horrific but that's not. But there are things that by definition violate the protocols of the Geneva Convention, violate the arms of long the laws of armed conflict. It's they're black and white. It's like reading a driver's ed manual, like stop at a red light. That's that's the law. It's not something you can do sometimes unless you want to get a ticket. So, um it's one of those things to where it's like there there's a book that tells us these things that the answers to the tests are in this book. Someone should read it. Well, they also violate the conscience of any any person watching. Um, and that's that's enough for us. >> So, okay. So, I've I've I've asked you I've asked around the story. I just wanted this. You've provided >> a very very helpful context and again, thank you for for your time in doing this. Um, so now now to the question. How did the Israeli military, the IDF treat Palestinian civilians? I could describe it as as as nothing more than they treated them like animals. Even the the UG solutions and the SRS personnel on the ground. Um what was concerning to me because I witnessed this in years of Iraq, when you get down the road and you start describing people in a certain way, you start to dehumanize them. Uh even the US contractors on the ground called called them the the the zombie horde. Um, we the IDF and in some cases we don't recognize these people as human beings. And part of my my, you know, why I want to talk and come out in this is because I I I saw these human beings. I I was there. I I you know, I you know, this photo here, this is on site one. That's a human being. I took this photo. This didn't come from some far-left journalist or from the Gaza Health Ministry. I took that picture. You know, these, you know, this here, these are these are the people that we're dehumanizing, that we're killing in mass scale, that we're depriving of food and water, that we are torturing in a way because they're not eating at all. And we're calling them we're calling them all Hamas. That's what we're calling them. So I've seen it with my own eyes. Not everybody is Hamas. And to be fair, I distribute it at every site through distribution windows morning, afternoon, and evening. Most of the contractors there do one site because they're assigned to that site. Because the nature of my job, I went to all the sites. Not once. Not once ever, and I'm pretty keen at looking out for things and and staying alive. Not once ever did I witness a threat, a hostile act, a weapon, anyone from quote unquote Hamas. I mean, how do you do that? They don't show up with a t-shirt that says Hamas. So, you know, there's is Hamas amongst the population. Well, of course they are, but it doesn't mean that that the entire population is Hamas. So that's the type of discipline and understanding and maturity and and wherewithal of an under of an operation like this that's required to do something like this and it's not there. It's the wild west. We treat them like animals with with no dignity. You say that um you saw and again I just want to state for the fifth time I I've met few people with more experience in situations like this chaos foreign country shooting soldiers confusion. So you know I think you have a lot of experience interpreting what you saw. Um you said you saw no threat at all. You didn't see Palestinians with weapons. You didn't feel threatened. you know, it doesn't, you know, I'm sure there's a threat there, but you didn't experience it. Um, but you said that there was shooting. Who was shooting at what and why? >> The way uh so to walk everyone through kind of how a a distribution site works in terms of like how are people being shot at? How does this happen? So early in the morning, the Palestinians, because mind you, the the Palestinians to get to the south, they cannot drive. They have to walk one way from where they live because they have to go through the established military corridors. Just one way to get to where they have to get to. They they they have to walk. So they can't just walk straight down to the site. They have to go west to the coastal corridor, down the coastal corridor, into the Morog corridor, down to the sites. So they're walking anywhere from 8 to 12 kilometers one way. One way to get to the site. So when they queue up in the morning at the intersection of the Morog corridor and the coastal road and the queuing gets into the to the magnitude of thousands, the IDF hold them there with with tanks in place. When this when the UG solutions personnel call on the radio to the IDF to say the site is ready, the crowd is released in a massive massive title wave of title wave of people. It's dehumanizing and rushing towards the site because they're starving. As they're coming to the site, the IDF shoot at them machine guns, mortars, tank rounds, artillery. I have all of this on video. within a matter of minutes, 2 minutes, 15 seconds, hundreds of Palestinians already on the site. like this is not like it's so compelling when you see it and I'm like cuz I I watched it and as I'm watching it and feel and being there and you hear early morning hours, you know, pre-dawn sunrise over the Mediterranean, thousands of of Palestinians rushing down to the site and over their heads you just see tracer bullets flying, tracers, tank rounds, artillery rounds and they do that to keep the Palestinians on the right path. My suggestion from the very beginning was like have we tried a sign put a put a sign out there like I don't know like put a put a sign in the road that says go this way instead of shooting a marava tank round like I think that would be like that would be a great way to to kind of to kind of start nope cost too much we're not going to do it okay telling that's a telling telling proposition so as they're coming to the site and they're getting shot at it's dark the Israeli forces in the south are reserve conscripts. They're not the IDF that that that the that are the elite active army unit. They're conscript reserveists. They don't train. They don't get a lot of training. Rarely do they get to shoot their weapons and they don't have night vision capability. So, they're shooting into the dark at thousands of people. to say that when when when the when the sun rises and bodies are strewn along the road and the IDF say, "Oh, we didn't do that." Really? How did that happen then? Like, you did do that. Like, you did do that. Oh, Hamas did it. Hamas is nowhere here. There's There's This entire area is a militarized controlled zone. There's no Hamas here. I was like, "If Hamas got into here, y'all really aren't doing your job." Like there's no Hamas, no one with weapons, dead people screwing along the streets. So when you see on the news at Nasser Hospital when patients get brought in and people then say, "Oh, that's just Hamas propaganda." No, it's not. It is not Hamas propaganda. It's real. the shooting, the indiscriminate shooting when they get onto the site and this mass crowd. Just imagine if you will if if it was Black Friday at Walmart and they cleared out the Walmart. They moved everything out and in the middle of the Walmart they just put a box of TVs and they were free. First in gets them and at 9:00 the door crashes open and everybody's squeezing in through this small door into this area and you've got you've got two security guards there. On every site, there are 22 armed security guards pulling security. So that's one to 409 ratio. One guard to 409 people ratio. There's there's no way that the the armed security can manage or control that safely. There's no way. It's impossible. So when they get onto the site, I call I called it the 8 minutes of mayhem. Within eight minutes, 25,000 boxes of food are stripped through, taken down, and gone. Eight minutes. It's one of the most chaotic, deprived, dehumanizing things I've ever seen in my life. And I was I was in Buzz Fagani when ISIS surrendered. Talk about dehumanization. That is the worst I've seen in my life. At the end when there's um a few people left to uh pick up the remnants of aid, some beans, some rice, the UG solutions personnel then start clearing the crowd with the the procedures that they've adopted from the IDF where we we throw stun grenades. We spray pepper spray. I saw in a recent video last week of a UG Solutions person that I know I know who that person is. Like I know it's real. I know he's there. I know it's a real person. It's not fake. and he's standing on a burm and they have these new devices where it's about the size of a fire extinguisher uh with a with a fog hose on it to just spray tear gas. They have those now. And so now that's the that's the standard operating procedure. And as they get to the gate and the gates are closed, the IDF salute the IDF guards then then shoot at them at their feet over their heads in the air just like the IDF do. And you know again like yesterday when when GHF gave their press conference they even said that like Mr. Agular has said that shots have been fired at civilians. We only shoot at their feet, over their head, and in the air. Like, that's exactly what I'm saying. You do. You're you're you're correct. But when you're shooting bullets that come out of an automatic rifle at a crowd of thousands of people and you can't see them because there's BMS and there's dust and there's and there's inner visibility lines that you can't see and you're just shooting, you're going to kill somebody. Period. So, the you know, our guys don't shoot at them. They shoot at their feet. They shoot over the head. They shoot into the air. Um, okay. Well, shooting at them, targeting innocent, unarmed civilians on the battlefield for the purpose of controlling them or controlling the crowd. Again, there you go. Another war crime. So, when when we're doing these things, it's we're just egregiously violating international standards. The standards that we that we as Americans expect. >> People were hung at Nuremberg for things like this. literally think this shooting at prisoners. >> Yes. Shooting at prisoners. As a as a case in point in the United States Army, if I were fighting in in Germany and a squad of German soldiers that was just shooting at me, puts down their guns and raises their hands. They just became a prisoner. I have to feed them. I have to give them water. I have to take care of them. I have to give them safe passage to to captivity or to holding. Can't just shoot them. There are rules in combat. There are rules in conflict and we must abide by those. Now, what I find to be incredibly, incredibly concerning for the American people and for my fellow teammates, my guys on the ground, American citizens, is that ghs position is, well, we're not this isn't a war and we're not abi we don't have to abide by those rules. Well, you do. Those rules apply to everybody no matter what. But even more so that you should not have the authority to shoot anybody. We are there as tourists. As I said in the beginning of the show, tourists, we should not be pulling the trigger of that gun unless it is absolutely to protect an imminent threat to our life. And a case in point, from all of the days and all of the times and all of the sites, I didn't pull the trigger on my rifle one time. I didn't pull the pistol on my rifle one time. Never even took it out of its holster. Stun grenades, tear gas. didn't use it once because I didn't need I'm not not because I'm some like, you know, soft, you know, anti-gun, you know, that I didn't need it. Never one time did I ever need to pull my rifle, shoot my gun, or use means to to stun or hurt a civilian. Ever. Not once. And I was at more distributions, at more sites, more time than than any single person in the UG solutions architecture. And not once did I ever need to do that. Ever. And I think I know something about, you know, when it's time to shoot. You know, done a lot. So, didn't never felt that I had to do that ever once. It's it's immature. It's dangerous. It's a violation of our American values. That is not how America engages on the world stage. We are the ones that do right. We are the ones that choose the harder right over the easier wrong. We don't do it because the IDF say it's okay to do it and therefore we can do it. Well, we made that bed and we are in it. And that bed is about to get flipped over by the international community. And if we don't if we don't stand up and say something now like today, tomorrow, if we don't stand up and do something about it, we're going down that road. And it's not a good road to be on. >> I hope you can tell your story on Fox News and on every American media outlet as soon as possible. Um, I hope they will have you. Um, I'm not betting on it, but I hope I hope they will. So, let let me ask you um about the story that you have told. That's a really difficult story, awful story. Uh, but about the boy um who you were in contact with who was who was killed, shot to death. What what happened? So, you know, this little boy is similar in age to to my son. brown eyes. My son has brown eyes. I see my son's face when I look at him. And this little boy, you know, he's not he's not ISIS. He's not a combatant. This was on secure distribution site number two, the 28th of May, our second day of doing distribution. I'm on that location. I didn't get this secondhand. I didn't see it from afar and then and then assume I saw it. I touched it. I felt it. Other people saw it. This young little boy, his name is Amir. I know that because when he walked over from the the crowd of people, um he walked toward me. There was two there was two of us standing there, two UG Solutions guards standing in that area and he was walking towards us and we thought maybe he was hurt or maybe he was asking for some more food because all he had in his arms was a small bag of rice, half a bag of flour, some lentils that he had picked up from the ground. He didn't have much and we thought maybe he was asking for more food or maybe he was hurt and he we be we notioned him over and he came up and he extends his right hand at us and so we I you know I kind of walked up to him and waved him over and the guy standing next to me this young boy grabs holds his hand and he kisses it and then he comes to me and he holds my hand and he kisses it. In in Arab culture that is a very significant sign of respect. That's not something that that should be taken lightly or something that should be that that's a big sign of respect. And we were we were taken aback by that. The gentleman that was standing next to me was also a military veteran, combat veteran. So he's been to Afghanistan, Iraq, and he understand he was he was moved by it. He was touched. I was touched. And as he was standing there, we were both looking at him and he was very emaciated. He had no shoes on. His pants were tattered. He had a a a kind of a rope or string holding his pants up. filthy, probably hasn't bathed in months, probably hasn't eaten in days. And oh, by the way, when they walk 8 to 12 kilometers to get to these sites, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation mechanism provides no water. Zero. Not a single bottle because it's too expensive. Distributing water weighs so much that it breaks down the the the profit per cost per truck. That's a fact. Because I asked why, and I was given a lesson in it. This is why. It's too expensive. So, we give them no water. All of their food, by the way, requires water to cook it. Rice, lentils, beans, flour. You got to have water. So, what we're giving him, I don't know how they're eating it. But he comes, he's standing there, and I and I put my arm on his on his right on on his left shoulder, and I look at him, and I can feel the bones in his shoulder. I can feel the the the weakness in his arm. I can feel the vulnerability. I can feel the desperation. And I look at him and I look and I got down on my knees or I'm looking at him in the eyes. And then I say to him, I said, "People care. America cares. You're not going to be forgotten. People in the world care." And he doesn't speak English and I don't speak Arabic, but the connection we had in looking at each other, he felt like he felt he felt for the first time in a long time that there was someone that cared. And I got down on a knee and he came and to his level and the items he had in his hand, he sets them down on the ground and he his hands he raises his hands and they're small, fragile. You can you can see bones sticking, you know, just the bones through the skin and he places his hands on my face and he kissed me and he said he looked at me in the eyes and he says, "Thank you." He said it in English. Thank you. Like people are starving in Gaza. People are dying in Gaza. These children that are starving and dying. These these children, you know, they look like everyday Americans. This child is picking up noodles off the ground with his bare hands because there was no food left. So, he's picking up noodles to put into his backpack. Amir goes back toward back to the main group and he goes out the exit. We had a very strict protocol that they come in a certain way, get the aid and then they go out a certain way. From the way they came in, it takes them back to the way they came in. The the exit takes them back that same way. So they enter from the Morau corridor, they go south, they go through the station, they exit, and they go north to the Morog corridor. So coming in and going out, they're tied right back into the active combat zone. Site number two particularly is a little bit different than the other sites because it's in between site one and two and there's a IDF combat outpost just off the corner of SDS2. So there's a burm that lines that road going out. So if people are leaving the exit and someone is on the the east side of the burm shooting into the crowd over here, you can't see what's on the other side of that burm because of the the the obscuration, the field of fire. So the IDF are shooting at the crowd that's leaving. As the crowd left and they would hit the morg corridor to go west, the IDF would shoot at them, shoot at their feet, shoot over their head. We would shoot at them, shoot at their feet, shoot over their head, shoot into the air, and the bullets start hitting off the ground. There's video of this. It's on the BBC video. Hitting off the ground, see dirt flying up, and I I was still on the site. I was I was below the burm. Um, it was the second time we had done distribution. Um, so when I heard the gunfire kickoff, the automatic machine gun fire, I thought we were under attack. I thought something had happened. So, I ran up to the southern burm and I laid down to take cover. You know, I'm observing and I'm looking and I see the shooting keep going on like just the rap and Palestinians dropping on the side of the road. So, Amir didn't make it home. He walked 12 km to get some food, picked up scraps off the ground cuz that's all that was left because the the 8-minute mayhem took all of the food and by the time he got there walking with no shoes, hungry and tired. The only thing left for him was to pick up some remnants off the ground. And when he left, he was he was he was killed by the IDF. Why? Because they lack discipline. They lack standards and they lack basic human decency. Now, did do I think that they intentionally shot him or shot the people they were shooting at? No. But when you use machine guns and tank rounds and mortar rounds to control a crowd, what do you think is going to happen? And the United States stands by and watches it as in in the press conference that GHF gave last night. Will the IDF shoot to control the crowd? We only shoot at the crowd in the air around them or or at their feet. We don't shoot into them. Unacceptable behavior. That is not how professionals behave when dealing with a civilian population. You use things like signs. What I thought would be another great great tool would have been a loudspeaker with a microphone with an interpreter because no one there speaks Arabic and they don't speak English. So, when you're dealing with a crowd of 8 to 9,000 people and you're trying to to to communicate with them, and I was like, "How about before we start shooting, how about we do two things? One, we provide a loudspeaker with a with a translator. Two, we put signage. We put signs out there that say go this way, go that way, turn left." They don't know where they're going. They don't live here. It's a war zone. So, the only way I could describe the sites is death traps. And they didn't become death traps. They were designed as death traps. And the United States puts aid and we lure them in. And when they leave, they get shot at. Come in and they get shot at going. So the reports you hear from from Nasser Hospital, which is about 5 kilometers from site number two, Nasser Hospital that you hear all the reports of dead dead civilians coming in to get treated. The doctors have said this is grotesque. Doctors have testified that every time GHF does a distribution at site 1, 2, or 3, which the road from those goes directly to the Nasser Hospital, they get a massive influx of patients to what they call mass casualties, an MCI, mass casualty incident every time. >> Have you ever heard of any other country do any I've never heard of anything like this, but I haven't spent 25 years deployed in war zones. I just want >> I've never seen it. You've never seen this anywhere? anywhere to this scale. Now, in other countries that I've been in with partnered forces, are there sometimes, you know, an errant or undisiplined, you know, bad apple in the group that you discipline and you correct that behavior? I've seen that at this scale to where it's widely accepted, but then to also the fact that the um the UG solutions contractors also do it under the guise of well, the IDF do it, so we're fine with doing it. Never never have I seen an American behave this way. Never have I seen an army, and I, you know, I I've seen some pretty uh ragtag armies in my day. Um, and never have I seen this level of depravity and just disrespect for human dignity. And it's I mean, the word I keep using because it's the only way I can describe it is because America is giving tax dollars to it. It's unamerican. Now there has you came out and told this story I think two days ago uh or a couple of days ago for the first time in public that I'm aware of and uh there was immediate push back as there always is. Um and your integrity was called into question. You're a liar. You're a propagandist and this boy is not dead. This boy is not dead is is what they is what they said. Um can you address that? I I directly communicated to the the lawyer in the GHF press conference that I demanded that he retract that and I gave him the facts. And this is why. The picture that they used that GHF used and has circulated, the picture they have of a small boy with a contractor with his hands on their on his head juxtaposed the picture of of me that I took with this voice standing next to me. What's ironic is that the picture they have of the man of the contractor standing there with his hand on on the boy's head, I took that picture, too. It's like they're giving my It's like they're giving me back my own material as proof to the material. It's it's absurd. So, the the picture that I have, this this picture with me, myself, and Amir, and and everybody on site, that is distribution site number two on the 29th of May. That picture has been geollocated, metadata checked. It's legit. The picture that they provided to say, "Oh, look. Here's a picture of this contractor uh 2 days later with a mirror." Disgusting. Disgusting. That picture that I took, the guy with his hand on the kid's head is from site number four on the first of Jim. There is no way physically possible that the child could have gotten from site two. Sites 1, two, and three are all the way in the south, south of the Moroc corridor. Site number four is all the way in the central at the at the Nessarim corridor. Nobody can cross between those two areas. So unless he unless he flew there or beamed him up and he transported there, that wouldn't be him. But number two, you put the pictures right next to each other. Not not kind of like here and here, but right next to each other, it's obvious they're not the same person. They don't have the same hair. They don't have the same teeth. Their ears are a different size. I ran it through an AI generator and it said that's not the same person because it's not the same person. >> So was killed on the 29th of May. >> Why would this humanitarian foundati
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